Go to top

Sword in the Sky Quake

August/September 634 CE

by Jefferson Williams









Introduction & Summary

A number of non-contemporaneous sources1 described an earthquake in Palestine around the start of the Muslim conquest of the Levant, a campaign that took place between ~632/633 and 640 CE but for which it is difficult to ascertain the exact dates of the various battles. These same non-contemporaneous sources1 described the earthquake as occurring during the same year or close in time to when the Rashudin Army first successfully invaded and conquered Palestine - i.e. 633/634 CE. A number of authors noted that a celestial apparition was seen in the sky around the same time as the earthquake and/or the Islamic invasion. The apparition was often described as looking like a "Sword in the Sky", lasting for 30 days, and being a portent of the Islamic invasion. Theophanes and his copyist Anastasius Bibliothecarius described it using the Greek term Docetes (δοxίτης). Dall’Olmo (1980:17) writes that Docetes (δοxίτης) is derived from dokion (related: dokos (δοκός)) which means a board or beam and was used by some Byzantine chroniclers to describe a comet. Taken together, these descriptions appear to reference a comet which were often viewed as omens of ruin, pestilence, and the overthrow of kingdoms. If the apparition was a comet, this could date the earthquake to August or September 634 CE when Chinese and Japanese records observed what appears to have been a comet. Two of the authors2 specified that the earthquake struck in September.
Footnotes

1 Theophanes, Anastasius Bibliothecarius. Agapius of Menbij, Michael the Syrian, and Bar Hebraeus

2 Michael the Syrian and Bar Hebraeus

Textual Evidence

Text (with hotlink) Original Language Biographical Info Religion Date of Composition Location Composed Notes
Chronicle of Zuqnin by Pseudo-Dionysius of Tell-Mahre Syriac
Biography

Eastern Christian 750-775 CE Zuqnin Monastery Pseudo-Dionysius did not mention an earthquake but did write that the stars of the sky fell in such a way that they all shot like arrows toward the north which, he wrote, provided the Romans with a terrible premonition of defeat and of the conquest of their territories by the Arabs while adding that this was in fact what happened to them almost immediately afterwards. The time markers in this specific part of the Chronicle of Zuqnin are frequently inconsistent with known dates of various historical events.
Reconstructed Lost Chronicle Of Theophilus of Edessa Syriac
Biography

Chalcedonian Christian Late 8th century CE Edessa ?, Baghdad ?
Comparisons by Hoyland (2011)

Hoyland (2011:94-95) compared passages recounting the earthquake and the celestial apparition by Theophilus' confirmed and possible dependents.

Seismic Effects

  • Theophanes - An earthquake occurred in Palestine
  • Agapius of Menbij - There was a mighty earthquake in this year
  • Michael the Syrian - There was a violent earthquake in the month of September
Celestial Observations
  • Theophanes - there appeared a sign in the heavens, called a comet [Mango and Scott (1997:467) translated this as dokites], in the direction of the south foreboding the Arab conquest. It remained for thirty days, moving from south to north and was sword-shaped
  • Agapius of Menbij - there appeared in the sky a sign, a column of fire, and it began moving from the east to the west and from the north to the south then disappeared
  • Michael the Syrian - a portent in the sky, resembling a sword stretched out from the south to the north. It stayed there for thirty days and it seemed to many that it stood for the coming of the Arabs.
  • Chronicle of Seert - There appeared in the sky something like a lance from south to north and then it extended from east to west, and it remained thus for 35 nights; people saw it as a portent of Arab rule.

Ta'rīkh al-Mawṣil by al-Azdi Arabic
Biography

Muslim late 8th to early 9th centuries CE Basra ? This source may mention the celestial apparition. In his translation of the Chronicle of Zuqnin, Harrak (1999:142 n. 4) compared Syriac text stating that the stars of the sky fell in such a way that they all shot like arrows toward the north to Arabic text in al-Azdi. I was unable to find the corresponding section in al-Azdi from an English translation by Lees (1854)
Chronographia Tripartita by Anastasius Bibliothecarius Latin
Biography

Orthodox (Byzantium) 871-874 CE - accessed an early version of Theophanes Rome Accessing an earlier and perhaps more pristine copy of Theophanes' Chronicle, Anastasius, wrote that in the 24th year of Heraclius there was another earthquake in Palestine and a sign appeared in the southern sky, something known as docetes, announcing the coming of Arab rule. It remained for thirty days extending from south to north in the shape of a sword.. Specific instances of damage or cities that were affected was not mentioned. While Anastasius states that this happened in the in the 24th year of Heraclius, in the extant version of Theophanes currently available, this event was dated to the 23rd year of Heraclius. Anastasius' date (5 Oct. 633 to 4 Oct. 634 CE - 24th year of Heraclius) is more compatible with the comet reports from China and Japan.
Chronicle of Theophanes Greek
Biography

Orthodox (Byzantium) 810-814 CE Vicinity of Constantinople Theophanes wrote that an earthquake occurred in Palestine and there appeared a sign in the heavens called dokites in the direction of the south, foreboding the Arab conquest. It remained for thirty days, moving from south to north, and was sword-shaped. Specific instances of damage or cities that were affected was not mentioned. In typical fashion Theophanes provided a variety of not entirely consistent chronological markers but the earthquake appears to be approximately synchronous with the Muslim conquest of the Levant commonly thought to have begun in A.H. 13 (7 March 634 - 24 Feb. 635 CE) although Donner (2014) in his book The Early Islamic Conquests thinks it more likely that they began in A.H. 12 (18 March 633 - 6 March 634 CE).
Chronicle of Seert Arabic
Biography

Nestorian Christian probably between 907 and 1020 CE The Chronicle of Seert does not mention an earthquake but does say that there appeared in the sky something like a lance from south to north and then it extended from east to west, and it remained thus for 35 nights.
Book of History by Agapius of Menbij Arabic
Biography

Melkite 10th century CE Manbij, Northern Syria Agapius of Menbij mentions an earthquake twice in two separate passages separated by a few sentences. In the first passage he wrote that in this year there was a violent earthquake, and the sun was darkened. It is unclear from the text what year "this year" refers to. In the second passage, Agapius wrote that in year 3 of Abu Bakr, there was a violent earthquake in Palestine and for thirty days the ground trembled. Immediately following this earthquake description, Agapius wrote that Abu Bakr died (23 Aug. 634 CE). Depending how one choses to interpret the 3rd year of Abu Bakr, the second passage could lead to dates from 8 June 634 to 7 June 635 CE or from 8 June 634 to 23 Aug. 634 CE.
Synopsis Historion by Cedrenus Greek
Biography

Orthodox (Byzantium) late 11th or early 12th century CE Anatolia Cedrenus does not mention an earthquake but wrote that after Muhammad's death (8 June 632 CE) a comet appeared which lasted for 30 days extending from south to north, looking like a sword. Cedrenus may have dated this to the 23rd year of Heraclius (5 Oct. 632 to 4 Oct. 633 CE).
Chronicle by Michael the Syrian Syriac
Biography

Syriac Orthodox Church late 12th century CE Probably at the Monastery of Mar Bar Sauma near Tegenkar, Turkey Michael wrote about the earthquake twice in two separate passages specifying two different dates. In the first passage he described a violent earthquake which he dated to September 634 CE. After the earthquake there was a sign in the sky; it appeared in the form of a sword stretching from south to north, and remained for thirty days. To many it seemed to signify the coming of the Taiyayz (Arabs). Specific instances of damage or cities that were affected was not mentioned. In the second passage he described a great earthquake in A.G. 946 (1 Oct. 634 to 30 Sept. 635 CE). At the moment of the earthquake the sun was eclipsed. Although, in his second passage, he mentioned damage to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre due to this earthquake, this was a false synchronicity. The Church of the Holy Sepulchre was damaged or destroyed in 614 CE during the Sasanian conquest of Jerusalem. It was restored in 629 CE by Modestus and was intact when Omar took possession of Jerusalem in 637 CE (Le Strange, 1890:202). So, specific instances of damage or cities that were affected was effectively not mentioned in the second passage as well.
The Blessed Collection by George al-Makin Arabic
Biography

Coptic Christian 1262-1268 CE Damascus (parts may have also been written in Cairo) al-Makin wrote about the earthquake in two separate but virtually identical passages stating in both that there was a great earthquake in Palestine which lasted for 30 days. There is no mention of celestial apparitions in either passage.
Chronicon by Bar Hebraeus Syriac
Biography

Syriac Orthodox Church 13th century CE Jazira ? Persia ? Bar Hebraeus wrote that at this time, in the month of ilul (September), an earthquake took place. And a sign, like unto a spear, appeared in the heavens, and it reached from the south to the north, and it remained there for thirty days. It is unclear what time "at this time" refers to. Other chronological clues in the text may date the earthquake to between 8 June 632 and 23 Aug. 634 CE.
The History of the Caliphs by Jalal al-Din As-Suyuti Arabic
Biography

Muslim 15th century CE Cairo al-Suyuti wrote in his book The History of the Caliphs that an earthquake was experienced in Mecca after Muhammad died on 8 June 632 CE and after Abu Bakr died on 23 August 634 CE. Both earthquake reports may be theologically motivated.
Annals by Eutychius Arabic
Biography

Melkite 1st half of 10th century CE Alexandria, Egypt Background information on the Muslim conquest of the Levant. There is no apparent mention of the earthquake or a celestial apparition but there is material about the battle in Gaza.
Chronicle Ad 724 Syriac
Background and Biography

Christian Background information - contains a list of the reigns of the early Caliphs apparently sourced from an original Muslim document. Abu Bakr's reign is listed as lasting 2 years and 6 months (in the lunar Islamic calendar).
The History by Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-Yaʿqūbī Arabic
Biography

Muslim - thought to have had Shi'ite sympathies Late 9th or early 10th century CE Cairo ? Background information - al-Yaqubiʾ dated the death of Abu Bakr to Tuesday 21 Jumādā II A.H. 13 (22 or 23 August 634 CE).
History of the Prophets and Kings by al-Tabari Arabic
Biography

Muslim ~915 CE Baghdad Background information - al-Tabari dated the death of Abu Bakr to Monday 21 Jumādā II A.H. 13 (22 August 634 CE).
Comet Kronk (1999) reports that the Chinese texts Chiu T'ang shu (945), T'ang hui yao (961), and Hsin T'ang shu (1060) state that a "sparkling star" was seen on 634 September 20 which disappeared after 11 days of visibility, or on about September 30. Kronk (1999) reports that the Japanese text Nihongi (720) says a "long-tailed star" was seen in the south from 29 Aug. - 27 Sept 634 CE and that the people of the time called it a "besom-star". The text adds that sometime during the month of 635 January 24 to February 22 "the besom-star went round and was seen in the east.". These observations agree with the catalog of Ho Peng Yoke (1962) used by Ambraseys (2009) and Guidoboni et al. (1994). The observations also suggest that the "sword in the sky" described in the Near Eastern sources was probably a comet and was probably the same comet observed in Chinese and Japanese sources.
Eclipse Paths In his 2nd passage, Michael the Syrian reported that the sun was eclipsed at the same time that there was an earthquake. Agapius of Menbij reported that after Muhammad died there was a a violent earthquake, and the sun was darkened. Observable Eclipses in the region occurred on 12 Feb. 634 CE, 1 June 634 CE, and 19 Aug. 635 CE.
Celestial Sightings Summary
Islamic Conquests
Problems in dating early Islamic conquests

Kennedy (2007:98) discussed chronological problems with dating the early Islamic conquests as follows:

Immediately after Muhammad’s death, the caliph Abū Bakr sent another expedition to Syria, an expedition that marked the beginning of the real conquest of the country. The sequence of events becomes extremely confused at this point. We have a vast mass of traditions about major battles and minor engagements and about the capture of cities. But the truth is that there is no way of reconciling the different chronological schemes that were elaborated by different Muslim editors, and there are very few external sources to give us any sort of guidance. As the great Muslim historian Tabarī complained when he was collecting the conquest narratives, ‘in fact, one of the most annoying things about this study is the occurrence of such differences as the one I have noted above about the date of this battle. Such differences arose because some of these battles were so close together in time’. In the end, we can only be certain that campaigning began in earnest from 632 and that eight years later, in 640, all of Syria was under some sort of Muslim rule with the exception of the coastal city of Caesarea.

Source Commentary
Text (with hotlink) Original Language Biographical Info Religion Date of Composition Location Composed Notes
Chronicle of Zuqnin by Pseudo-Dionysius of Tell-Mahre

Background and Biography

Background and Biography

Excerpts
English from Harrak (1999)

  • Part 4
  • from Harrak (1999:141-143)
  • Harrak (1999:32-33) noted that the annalistic divisions in the Chronicle have been retained in our translation, and each entry has been introduced with an A.D. (Gregorian) date (in bold), converted from the Seleucid date given in the Chronicle.
620-621 The year nine hundred and thirty-two: The Arabs5a conquered the land of Palestine and the land as far as the great river Euphrates.6a The Romans fled and crossed over to the east of the Euphrates, and the Arabs held sway over them. The first king7a was a man among them named Muhammad, whom they also called Prophet because he turned them away from cults of all kinds and taught them that there was only one God, creator of the universe. He also instituted laws for them because they were much entangled in the worship of demons and cult of idols, mainly the cult of trees. Because Muhammad showed them that God was one, because they vanquished the Romans in war through his direction, and because he instituted laws for them according to their desire, they called him Prophet and Messenger1b of God.

This nation is very lascivious and sensual. Every law instituted for them, be it by Muhammad or by any other God-fearing person, is despised and dismissed if it is not instituted according to their sensual pleasure. But a law which fulfills their wishes /p.150/ and desires, even if it is instituted by a nobody among them, they accept, saying: This has been instituted by the Prophet and Messenger of God. Moreover, it was commanded to him in this manner by God!

Muhammad ruled them for seven years.

621-622 The year nine hundred and thirty-three: Phocas, the Roman Emperor, died. Heraclius reigned in his place for thirty one years.2b

622-623 The year nine hundred and thirty-four: Mar Cyriacus, Bishopt of Amida, died.3b He was succeeded by Mar Thomas.

625-626 The year nine hundred and thirty-seven: The stars of the sky fell4b in such a way that they all shot like arrows toward the north. They provided the Romans with a terrible premonition of defeat and of the conquest of their territories by the Arabs. This was in fact what happened to them almost immediately afterwards.

626-627 The year nine hundred and thirty-eight: Muhammad, King of the Arabs—that is their Prophet—died, and Abu-Bakr ruled over them for five years.5b

628-629 The year nine hundred and forty: Heraclius, the Roman Emperor, began to build the great church of Amida.

631-632 The year nine hundred and forty-three: Abu-Bakr, Caliph6b of the Arabs, died and `Umar succeeded him, for twelve years.1c
Footnotes

5a [Syriac text] This term originally referred to one tribe among the Arabs, the [Arabic text]

6a Impossible date since the first year of Islam corresponds to 622 A.D., when the flight of Muhammad from Mecca to Medina took place.

7a [Syriac text]: Same title in Agapius 457: [Arabic text] "(Muhammad) became their king"

1b [Syriac Text]: Arabic [Arabic text] with the Syriac emphatic ending. On the loan-words from Arabic into Syriac see Harrak in Symposium 1996.

2b James of Edessa 325 [249]: S. 920 (608-609). Elias I 125: S. 921 (609-610). Michael IV 403 [11 400], IV 390 [378] and Agapius 449: Heraclius began to rule in S. 922 (610- 611). Chronique de Seert 527 [207]: Heraclius began to rule on 1 September (for October) S. 922 (610). Chronicon Paschale 698-701 [149-152]: Phocas was killed and Heraclius was crowned emperor on Monday 6 (for 5) October, 14th indiction (610). Same indiction in Theophanes 299: Monday 4 October A.M. 6102 (610).

3b About this anti-Chalcedonian bishop see Michael IV 390-391 [II 379-380].

4b [Syriac Text] : Compare this sentence with [Arabic Text] al-Azdi, 147 and 200.

5b Prophet Muhammad died in June H. 11 (632) and Abu-Bakr ruled for two years: Elias I 130, al-Ya'qubi II 127, 136ff, al-Tabari III 199ff.

6b [Syriac Text] : Lit. "king". When this word refers to caliphs, it is translated as "caliph" for convenience.

1c Michael IV 414 [II 417], Elias I 131, al-Ya'qubi II 138 and al-Tabari III 419ff all date the event to (August) H. 13 (634).

Syriac - embedded



Chronology
Year Reference Corrections Notes
625-626 CE none
  • Years are provided by Harrak (1999:142) who wrote that the annalistic divisions in the Chronicle have been retained in our translation, and each entry has been introduced with an A.D. (Gregorian) date (in bold), converted from the Seleucid date given in the Chronicle.
  • The time markers in this specific part of the Chronicle of Zuqnin are frequently inconsistent with known dates of various historical events.
Seismic Effects
  • an earthquake wasn't mentioned
Celestial Observations
  • The stars of the sky fell in such a way that they all shot like arrows toward the north. They provided the Romans with a terrible premonition of defeat and of the conquest of their territories by the Arabs. This was in fact what happened to them almost immediately afterwards.
Locations
  • none specified
Sources
Sources

Background Information
Pseudo-Dionysius of Tell-Mahre vs. Dionysius of Tell-Mahre

Online Versions and Further Reading
References

Notes
Parallels with Al-Azdi

Harrak (1999:20-21) notes the following about parallels between the Chronicle of Zuqnin and al-Azdi

At least one scholar has compared the contents of Part IV of the Chronicle of Zuqnin with that of Tarikh al-Mawsil, written by the Arab historian al-Azdi (died in 945). Dr. F. `Umar1 has called attention to the fact that both histories deal with the political, social, and economic conditions of the same region, Mosul and the Jazira. He further noted that both authors were opposed to the `Abbasid central authority, as were the authors of other local histories, such as the History of Tabaristan, History of Sijistan, History of Bukhara, etc. Both authors moreover agreed that overtaxation and extortion of the 'Abbasid agents were responsible for the migration of the peasantry into the cities, a fact which led to the disintegration of the Jazira, which had an economy based on agriculture. Dr. `Umar also noted that, while the Chronicle of ZucinIn concentrated on the economy of the Jazira, al-Azdi stressed the political history of that region, and sometimes of other regions as well.

There can be no doubt that the Chronicler of Zuqnin and al-Azdi have certain characteristics in common. In addition to the fact that both wrote local histories, their histories are of an annalistic type, the only difference being that al-Azdi used a lunar calendar, whereas the Chronicler of Zuqnin used the Seleucid calendar, which is solar. Accordingly, both authors divided the narrations of the events, when these lasted more than one year, into separate entries. In addition to arranging the material in this manner (e.g. "in year such and such, so and so died / or did this and that"), both authors sub-divided the information for a single year, if it proved to be rather long, into sections with titles. Sometimes such short annalistic entries are strikingly similar, even in wording. An example is the parallel event of the shooting of the stars, which are not only dated to the same year (Seleucid 1076 = H. 147 = A.D. 764-765), but also share very similar (in part cognate) wording: [Arabic text] = {Syriac text] "the stars were `dropping' ".2

Furthermore, both authors were compilers of existing sources, oral as well as written, but al-Azdi normally identified his sources, whereas the Chronicler typically did not. But they certainly agreed that the people of the Jazira and Mosul suffered oppression at the hands of the `Abbasids. Thus, the violence of Haran al-Rashid directed at Mosul as described by al-Azdi3 echoes the same behavior of Abu 'Awn, an `Abbasid agent appointed by al-Mansur, toward the people of the Jazira, which our Chronicler describes.1 Al-Azdi's negative assessment of Yihyah son of Said al-Harshi,2 a governor of Mosul appointed by al-Rashid, is reminiscent of the generally negative opinion the Chronicler had about Musa son of Musab, whom al-Mansur appointed governor of Mosul and the Jazira.

Nonetheless, the two authors differ in their aim and manner of writing. Al-Azdi is a writer who made a serious attempt at transmitting historical information he received from his oral sources.3 He seldom let his own bitterness toward people or individuals interfere. The worst of what is reported about the `Abbasids came not from his pen, but from the lips of an Arab: "By God, a liar is he who claims that these (Abbasids) are Muslims."4 The Chronicler, on the other hand, was an ardent moralist for whom the purpose of history writing was not to furnish information about events, but to have his readers participate in them, in all their dramatic details. He criticised, not to say vilified, everyone who, in his estimation, had committed wrong, whether Umayyad, `Abbasid or a cleric from his own church. What mattered to him was not the religious affiliation of the wrongdoer but the wickedness of his actions. Our Chronicler tended to paint in deep black and pure white, with very little in between. Thus, he called al-Mansur "a tyrannic ruler" and other choice epithets, as seen above, but he described his brother `Abbas as a "merciful and peace-loving man",5 though both were Arabs and Muslims.

Footnotes

1 'Umar, al-Da'wah, 45.
2 al-Azdi 200, Chabot, Chronicon II, 222:26.
3 al-Azdi 284.

1 See below p. 318f.
2 al-Azdi 286-287.
3 See al-Azdi 250:5-6.
4 al-Azdi 151:13-14.
5 See below p. 232.

Celestial nomenclature in the Chronicle of Zuqnin

Reconstructed Lost Chronicle Of Theophilus of Edessa

Background and Biography

Background and Biography

Excerpts
English from Hoyland (2011)

  • from Hoyland (2011:94-95)
  • Hoyland, 2011:94-95 quotes what he believes may be Theophilus' dependents on the topic of the earthquake and the comet below while noting earlier that such an event could have been widely reported orally and textually and thus derived from a variety of sources.
An earthquake and a sign in the heavens184

Theophanes: An earthquake occurred in Palestine and there appeared a sign in the heavens, called a comet [Mango and Scott (1997:467) translated this as dokites], in the direction of the south foreboding the Arab conquest. It remained for thirty days, moving from south to north and was sword-shaped.

Agapius: There was a mighty earthquake in this year and there appeared in the sky a sign, a column of fire, and it began moving from the east to the west and from the north to the south then disappeared. There was a mighty earthquake in Palestine and for thirty days the earth shook and there was a major plague in various places.

Michael the Syrian: There was a violent earthquake in the month of September and afterwards a portent in the sky, resembling a sword stretched out from the south to the north. It stayed there for thirty days and it seemed to many that it stood for the coming of the Arabs.

Chronicon Ad Annum 1234: not recorded

Cf. Chron Siirt XCIV, 580: There appeared in the sky something like a lance from south to north and then it extended from east to west, and it remained thus for 35 nights; people saw it as a portent of Arab rule.

{Forced conversion of Jews: MSyr: At this time King Heraclius ordered that all the Jews who were found in the lands of the Roman Empire should be baptised and become Christians. For this reason the Jews fled Roman territory. They came first to Edessa; expelled violently once again from this place, they fled into Persia. A great number of them received baptism and became Christians.)185
Footnotes

184 Theophanes, 336: Agapius, 454|469 (Abu Bakr, year 3/634-35): Msyr 11.IV, 413/414. Cf. Chron Zugnin, 150 (sign in sky presaging Arab conquests). Msyr dates the earthquake to September AG 945/634 and the comet immediately after it. Only Agapius, 469, and Msyr 11.V, 414/419, mention the plague.

185 This is only in Msyr 11.IV, 413/414; it perhaps comes from Sergius of Rusafa, but was omitted by TC as it shows Heraclius in a bad light. Heraclius' decree against the Jews appears in a number of sources in connection with his prediction/dream about the Roman Empire being overrun by a circumcised people: see my Seeing Islam, 218. re Fredegar, 153; cf. Chron Siirt CI, 600; Eutychius. 129 (re Palestinian Jews); Sebeos, 134 (re Edessan Jews). On the forcible conversion of Jews at this time see Dagron and Deroche, 'Juifs et chretiens' 28-38.

Seismic Effects from Theophilus' possible dependents
  • Theophanes - An earthquake occurred in Palestine
  • Agapius of Menbij - There was a mighty earthquake in this year
  • Michael the Syrian - There was a violent earthquake in the month of September
Celestial Observations from Theophilus' possible dependents
  • Theophanes - there appeared a sign in the heavens, called a comet [Mango and Scott (1997:467) translated this as dokites], in the direction of the south foreboding the Arab conquest. It remained for thirty days, moving from south to north and was sword-shaped
  • Agapius of Menbij - there appeared in the sky a sign, a column of fire, and it began moving from the east to the west and from the north to the south then disappeared
  • Michael the Syrian - a portent in the sky, resembling a sword stretched out from the south to the north. It stayed there for thirty days and it seemed to many that it stood for the coming of the Arabs.
  • Chronicle of Seert - There appeared in the sky something like a lance from south to north and then it extended from east to west, and it remained thus for 35 nights; people saw it as a portent of Arab rule.
Sources and Dependants
Sources and Dependants

Online Versions and Further Reading
References

Notes
Issues of chronology in Theophilus' Lost Chronicle

Ta'rīkh al-Mawṣil by al-Azdi

Background and Biography

Background and Biography

Excerpts
English translation of the Chronicle of Zuqnin by Harrak (1999)

  • In his translation of the Chronicle of Zuqnin, Harrak (1999:142 n. 4) compared Syriac text stating that the stars of the sky fell in such a way that they all shot like arrows toward the north to Arabic text in al-Azdi. I was unable to find the corresponding section in al-Azdi from an English translation by Lees (1854)
  • Part 4
  • from Harrak (1999:141-143)
  • Harrak (1999:32-33) noted that the annalistic divisions in the Chronicle have been retained in our translation, and each entry has been introduced with an A.D. (Gregorian) date (in bold), converted from the Seleucid date given in the Chronicle.
625-626 The year nine hundred and thirty-seven: The stars of the sky fell4 in such a way that they all shot like arrows toward the north. They provided the Romans with a terrible premonition of defeat and of the conquest of their territories by the Arabs. This was in fact what happened to them almost immediately afterwards.
Footnotes

4 [Syriac Text] : Compare this sentence with [Arabic Text] al-Azdi, 147 and 200.

Online Versions and Further Reading
References

Notes
Manuscripts and Copies in Print

Chronographia Tripartita by Anastasius Bibliothecarius

Background and Biography

Background and Biography

Excerpts
English from Niebuhr (1828)

In the 24th year of Heraclius, Abu Bakr sent out four generals who were shown the way by the (local) Arabs. They captured Ran and the entire region of Gaza. Finally, a small contingent of soldiers arrived from Caesarea in Palestine. They engaged in battle but their leader was killed along with 300 soldiers. The Arabs won a decisive victory and returned with many captives and booty.

In the same year there was another earthquake in Palestine and a sign appeared in the southern sky, something known as docetes, announcing the coming of Arab rule. It remained for thirty days extending from south to north in the shape of a sword.

Latin from Niebuhr (1828)

Anno imperii Heraclii 24 cum misisset Ahubacharus praetares quattuor, qui ducti fuerant, ut praetuli, ab Arabibus, venerunt atque ceperuut Ran et totam regionem Gazae, tandemque aliquando cum venisset a Caesarea Palaestinae cum militibus paucis, inito bello perimitur primus cum exercitu, qui trecentorum erat virorum, et multis captivis acceptis et exuviis plurimis reversi sunt cum vlctorla splendida.

Porro eodem anno terrae motus factus est in Palaestina, et apparuit signum, quod dicitur docetes, in caelo contra meridiem, praenuntians Arabum potentatum. perduravit autem diebus triginita, extensum a mesembria usque ad arctum; erat autem in modum gladii.

Latin from Niebuhr (1828) - embedded



Chronology
Year Reference Corrections Notes
5 Oct. 633 to 4 Oct. 634 CE 24th year of Heraclius none
18 March 633 - 24 Feb. 635 CE the same year Abu Bakr sent out the 4 generals (i.e. the start of the Arab Conquests) none
  • Muslim conquest of the Levant commonly thought to have begun in A.H. 13 (7 March 634 - 24 Feb. 635 CE) although Donner (2014) in his book The Early Islamic Conquests thinks it more likely that they began in A.H. 12 (18 March 633 - 6 March 634 CE).
? a small contingent of soldiers arrived from Caesarea in Palestine. They engaged in battle but their leader was killed along with 300 soldiers. The Arabs won a decisive victory and returned with many captives and booty. none
  • The battle is the first one described after Abu Bakr sent out the four armies from Medina in ~633/634 CE. Anastasius states that the Muslim army captured Ran and all of Gaza. Theophanes says they captured Hira and all of Gaza. Hira, located in Mesopotamia, was captured by the army of Khalid ibn al Wahid in ~633 CE. Mayerson (1964) associates Ran with Pharan in the Sinai suggesting that the army of 'Amr b. al-'As approached Gaza from the southeast via the Sinai rather than directly across the Negev from their base in Aila (Aila capitulated to Islamic rule in 630 CE while Mohamed was still alive). Because Pharan and all of Gaza makes more geographic sense than Hira and all of Gaza, it may be that a later copyist unfamiliar with the geography of this part of the world altered Theophanes' text to change Ran to Hira.

    Another difference is Theophanes says that the Byzantine contingent that fought in Gaza was headed by a patrician named Sergius. Anastasius does not provide a name for the leader. Mayerson (1964) speculates that 7th century destruction evidence from Avdat was caused by the Muslim army as it marched back from it's victory in Gaza towards the Araba or Aila however other sites in the Negev besides Avdat may contain evidence for a 7th century earthquake.
Seismic Effects
  • there was another earthquake in Palestine
Celestial Observations
  • a sign appeared in the southern sky, something known as docetes
  • It remained for thirty days extending from south to north in the shape of a sword
Locations
  • Palestine
Sources
Anastasius's Sources

Online Versions and Further Reading
References

Chronicle of Theophanes

Background and Biography

Background and Biography

Excerpts
English from Mango and Scott (1997)

A.M. 6124 [A D 631/2]

Year of the divine Incarnation 624
Herakleios, emperor of the Romans (31 years), 23rd year
Abouhacharos, leader of the Arabs (3 years), 2nd year
Sergius, bishop of Constantinople (29 years), 24th year
Modestus, bishop of Jerusalem (2 years), 2nd year
George, bishop of Alexandria (14 years), 14th year

In this year Aboubacharos sent four generals1 who were conducted, as I said earlier, by the Arabs and so came and took Hera2 and the whole territory of Gaza.3 At length, Sergius arrived with some difficulty with a few soldiers from Caesarea in Palestine. He gave battle and was the first to be killed along with his soldiers, who were 300.4 Taking many captives and much booty, the Arabs returned home after their brilliant victory.a

At the same time an earthquake occurred in Palestine; and there appeared a sign in the heavens called dokites in the direction of the south, foreboding the Arab conquest. It remained for thirty days, moving from south to north, and was sword-shaped.b
Footnotes

1 According to Syriac sources (as in note a), the four generals were sent respectively against Palestine, Egypt, Persia, and the Christian Arabs. Arabic sources also speak of four commanders: Donner, Conquests, 113 ff. The traditional date is AH 13 (634).

2 Ήραν, accusative (var. Ήραν, Ran Anast.). Caetani, Annali, ii. 1143 n. I, thinks this is a confused reference to al-Hira, the Lakhmid capital in Iraq, which was captured by Khälid b. al-Walid in 633. Cf. Chr. Seert, 260. P. Mayerson, TAPA 95 (1964), 161, suggests that it refers to Pharan in Sinai. Kaegi, Conquests, 90, takes it to mean simply 'camp' (hira), i.e. one occupied by Arab guards in the neighbourhood of Gaza. See also L. I. Conrad, ByzF 15 (1990), 30. [JW: Anastasius calls this place Ran - Mayerson, TAPA 95 (1964) mentions this name and equates it with Pharan

3 Not Gaza itself, which was taken in June/July 637: A. Guillou, BCH 81 (1957), 396-404

4 Possibly he had 300 Romans, the rest being Samaritans. The death of Sergios (called a candidatus) is mentioned in Doctr. Jacobi, v. 16, and, rather obscurely, by Nik. 20. II, who calls him Σέργιος ό κατά Νικηταν, if that is, indeed, the same person.

a Cf. Mich. Syr. ii. 413 ; Chr. 1234, 189-90 . Both tell a similar story: Sergius, styled a patrician, raises a force of 5,000 including (or composed of) Samaritans, who defect; he escapes from battle, falls off his horse three times, then is killed. No mention of either Hera or Gaza. Condensed account in Agapios, 193-4 , 208-9.

b Cf. Mich. Syr. ii. 41 4 (nearly the same text; earthquake in Sept. AG 945); Agapios, 194; Ps.-Dion. Chron. 5 (AG 937, stars moving north, presaging Arab conquest); Chr. Seert, 260.

English from Turtledove (1982) - embedded



Chronology

Although Theophanes, in typical fashion, provides a variety of not entirely consistent chronological markers, the earthquake appears to be approximately synchronous with the Muslim conquest of the Levant commonly thought to have begun in A.H. 13 (7 March 634 - 24 Feb. 635 CE) although Donner (2014) in his book The Early Islamic Conquests thinks it more likely that they began in A.H. 12 (18 March 633 - 6 March 634 CE).
Chronology Table

Date Range (wide constraint) Reference Corrections Notes
1 Sept. 631 - 31 Aug. 633 CE A.M.a 6124 extra year added - see Notes
  • Since Theophanes A.M.a are thought to be have often been a year too low during the periods A.M.a 6099-6204 (607-712 CE) and A.M.a 6219-6266 (727-774 CE), the years are expanded to add an extra year
  • Year starts in September - using Grumel's (1934:398-402) synchronism MB.
  • Grumel’s synchronisms - MA and MB

    Author Inconsistencies
    Theophanes Grumel (1934:407), Proudfoot (1974:373-374), and others have pointed out that Theophanes A.M.a in the years A.M.a 6102-6206 and A.M.a 6218-6265 are frequently a year too low. The indictions, however, are thought by many more likely to be correct.

    Grumel's (1934:398-402) synchronisms
    Synchronism Explanation
    MA Theophanes’s indictions begin in March - the start date for A.M.a
    MB Theophanes’s indictions begin in September after the March starting date for A.M.a
    Note: Outside of Egypt, Indictions began on 1 September
    Grumel's (1934:398-402) synchronisms by time period
    Synchronism Years A.M.a (approx.) Date Range CE Historical Markers
    MA ? - 6102 ? - 5 Oct. 610 until the end of the reign of Phocas (ruled 23 Nov. 602 – 5 Oct. 610 CE)
    MB 6102 - 6206 5 Oct. 610 - 3 June 713 starting with the reign of Heraclius (ruled 5 Oct. 610 – 11 Feb. 641 CE) and ending right before the start of the reign of Anastasios II (aka Artemios) (ruled from 4 June 713 – 4 June 715 CE)
    MA 6206 - 6220 4 June 713 CE - 24 March 728 starting with the reign of Anastasios II (aka Artemios) (ruled from 4 June 713 – 4 June 715 CE) until A.M.a 6220
    MB 6221 - 6266 1 Sept. 728 - 31 Aug. 774 A.M.a6221 - 6266
    MA 6267 - ? 25 March 774 - ? A.M.a6267 - ?
    Martin (1930:12-13) states the following:
    The indiction runs from Sept. 1st, the Alexandrian A.M. from March 25th, but Theophanes probably dates the latter for calendar purposes from Sept. 1st2, to correspond with the Indiction.
    ...
    In two periods (607-714 and 726-774) the A.M. and the indictions do not correspond 3. It was formerly supposed that the Indictions were most likely to be correct, and therefore they must be made the foundation for a true chronology. But a suggestion was made by Bury (Later Roman Empire, II, p. 425). and worked out by Hubert (Byzant. Zeitschrift, VI, pp. 491 sqq.), that in 726 Leo III raised double taxes and put two indictions in one year, while in 774 or 775, Constantine remitted a year's taxation and spread one indiction over two years. This suggestion has been generally accepted. On the other hand, it is purely conjectural. Ginis (Das Promulgationsjahr d. Isuar. Ecloge. Byz. Zeitsch., XXIV, pp. 346 sqq.) would trace the error to Theophanes having confused the April of Indiction 10 (Sept. 1st, 726, to Aug. 31st, 727), with April of the 10th regnal year of Leo (March 25th, 725, to March 24th, 726). E.W. Brooks (Byz. Zeitsch., VIII, pp. 82 sqq.) explains the error by differences in the chronological systems of the sources used by Theophanes.

  • Ambraseys (2009) discussed Theophanes chronology for the earthquake
    Theophanes places the earthquake in a.M. 6124 in the 23rd year of Heraclius (September 632 to August 633). Note that in this period Theophanes’s indictions begin in the September after the March starting the a.M.; Grumel’s ‘synchronism MB’ (Grumel 1934, 401ff.). Because Mango and Scott dismiss Grumel’s interpretation, the a.M. in their edition is a year too low (September 631 to August 632), Effectively Grumel’s ‘synchronism MA’ (Theoph. 1997, 467) and therefore inconsistent with the Heraclius a.23. Furthermore it would put the death of Abu Bakr and the succession of Omar (‘Umar) Khalif in the following year in AD 633, whereas this happened in AD 634.
  • calculated using CHRONOS
25 March 632 to 24 March 633 CE Year of the divine Incarnation 624 none
5 Oct. 632 to 4 Oct. 633 CE 23rd year of Roman Emperor Herakleios none
8 June 633 to 7 June 634 CE The 2nd year of Arab ruler Abu Bakr none
  • Abu Bakr's rule began on 8 June 632 CE (the day Mohammed died)
  • calculated using CHRONOS
1 Jan. 633 to 30 Dec. 634 CE 24th year of Bishop of Constantinople Sergios none
1 Mar. 631 to 30 Mar. 632 CE 2nd year of Bishop of Jerusalem Modestus none
? 14th year of Bishop of Alexandria George none
18 March 633 - 24 Feb. 635 CE the same year Abu Bakr sent out the 4 generals (i.e. the start of the Arab Conquests) none
  • Muslim conquest of the Levant commonly thought to have begun in A.H. 13 (7 March 634 - 24 Feb. 635 CE) although Donner (2014) in his book The Early Islamic Conquests thinks it more likely that they began in A.H. 12 (18 March 633 - 6 March 634 CE).
? Death of Patrician and General Sergios in battle none
  • Anastasius' very similar passage does not give a name to the military leader who fought this battle.
? At length, Sergius arrived with some difficulty with a few soldiers from Caesarea in Palestine. He gave battle and was the first to be killed along with his soldiers, who were 300.4 Taking many captives and much booty, the Arabs returned home after their brilliant victory.a
Footnotes

4 Possibly he had 300 Romans, the rest being Samaritans. The death of Sergios (called a candidatus) is mentioned in Doctr. Jacobi, v. 16, and, rather obscurely, by Nik. 20. II, who calls him Σέργιος ό κατά Νικηταν, if that is, indeed, the same person.

a Cf. Mich. Syr. ii. 413 ; Chr. 1234, 189-90 . Both tell a similar story: Sergius, styled a patrician, raises a force of 5,000 including (or composed of) Samaritans, who defect; he escapes from battle, falls off his horse three times, then is killed. No mention of either Hera or Gaza. Condensed account in Agapios, 193-4 , 208-9.

none
  • The battle is the first one described after Abu Bakr sent out the four armies from Medina in ~633/634 CE. Anastasius states that the Muslim army captured Ran and all of Gaza. Theophanes says they captured Hira and all of Gaza. Hira, located in Mesopotamia, was captured by the army of Khalid ibn al Wahid in ~633 CE. Mayerson (1964) associates Ran with Pharan in the Sinai suggesting that the army of 'Amr b. al-'As approached Gaza from the southeast via the Sinai rather than directly across the Negev from their base in Aila (Aila capitulated to Islamic rule in 630 CE while Mohamed was still alive). Because Pharan and all of Gaza makes more geographic sense than Hira and all of Gaza, it may be that a later copyist unfamiliar with the geography of this part of the world altered Theophanes' text to change Ran to Hira.

    Another difference is Theophanes says that the Byzantine contingent that fought in Gaza was headed by a patrician named Sergius. Anastasius does not provide a name for the leader. Mayerson (1964) speculates that 7th century destruction evidence from Avdat was caused by the Muslim army as it marched back from it's victory in Gaza towards the Araba or Aila however other sites in the Negev besides Avdat may contain evidence for a 7th century earthquake.

Seismic Effects
  • an earthquake occurred in Palestine
Celestial Observations
  • there appeared a sign in the heavens called dokites in the direction of the south
  • It remained for thirty days, moving from south to north, and was sword-shaped
Locations
  • Palestine
Sources
Sources

Online Versions and Further Reading
References

Notes
Theophanes' Calendaric Inconsistencies

Chronicle of Seert

Background and Biography

Background and Biography

Excerpts
English from Hoyland (2011)

There appeared in the sky something like a lance from south to north and then it extended from east to west, and it remained thus for 35 nights; people saw it as a portent of Arab rule.

Seismic Effects
  • There is no mention of an earthquake
Celestial Observations
  • There appeared in the sky something like a lance from south to north and then it extended from east to west, and it remained thus for 35 nights
Locations
  • none specified
Online Versions and Further Reading
References

Book of History by Agapius of Menbij

Background and Biography

Background and Biography

Excerpts
English from Vasilev (1909)

In this year there was a violent earthquake, and the sun was darkened . . . 32

[Mohammed being dead, Abu-Bekr] succeeded [him and reigned for two years. . . He sent four generals . . . with troops: [one in Palestine, another] in Egypt, the third in Persia and the fourth against the Christian Arabs. |209 As for the one that Abu-Bekr sent to Palestine, he met a Greek patrician named Sergius, killed him with all his companions and plundered their camp. The other three (generals) were victorious and returned to Yathrib.

In year 3 of Abu-Bekr, there was a violent earthquake in Palestine; for thirty days the ground trembled. In the same year, there was a strong epidemic in various places.

Abu-Bekr died; and after him reigned Omar, son of Khattab, for twelve years, from the 946 year of Alexander and the thirteenth year of the Arabs. [JW: A.G. 946 (1 Oct. 634 to 30 Sept. 635 CE), A.H. 14 (7 March 634 - 24 Feb. 635 CE)]

In the first year of his reign, he sent troops against al-Balqa, captured Basra, many cities and large fortresses and then returned to Yathrib.

In year 2 [of his reign], Khalid, son of al-Walid, [went] with many troops on al-Balqa and . . . 33 in Persia. Khalid encountered . . . troops of the Greeks and destroyed them. . . . (Heraclius) went out from Menbidj and |210 sent . . . against Khalid and he killed . . . Arabs. . . Damascus. Then Heraclius left Menbidj .. . . Souriyah, which is Syria (ach-Cham), and learned with certainty that the Arabs had conquered it.
Footnotes

32. The following four lines are illegible. A few words can be read, suggesting that they concern the death of Mohammed and the transmission of power to Abu Bekr. Cf. Elmacinus, 9-10, 15.

33. The following six lines are illegible. A translation is given of whatever can be read.

English from Hoyland (2011)

There was a mighty earthquake in this year and there appeared in the sky a sign, a column of fire, and it began moving from the east to the west and from the north to the south then disappeared. There was a mighty earthquake in Palestine and for thirty days the earth shook and there was a major plague in various places.

English from Vasilev (1909) - embedded



Chronology
Year Reference Corrections Notes
8 June 634 to 7 June 635 CE
or
8 June 634 to 23 Aug. 634 CE
In year 3 of Abu-Bekr, there was a violent earthquake in Palestine none
  • Abu Bakr's rule began on 8 June 632 CE.
  • Abu Bakr died on 23 Aug. 634 CE - a little over 2 months into the 3rd year of his reign.
  • Immediately after mentioning an earthquake in year 3 of Abu-Bekr, Abu Bakr's death is mentioned.
  • calculated using CHRONOS
Seismic Effects
  • In this year there was a violent earthquake
  • In year 3 of Abu-Bekr, there was a violent earthquake in Palestine; for thirty days the ground trembled
Celestial Observations
  • the sun was darkened - Vasilev (1909) translation
  • there appeared in the sky a sign, a column of fire, and it began moving from the east to the west and from the north to the south then disappeared - Hoyland (2011) translation
Locations
  • Palestine
Online Versions and Further Reading
References

Synopsis Historion by Cedrenus

Background and Biography

Background and Biography

Excerpts
English from Becker (1838)

After Mohammed died, a comet appeared which lasted for 30 days extending from south to north, looking like a sword, and announcing the Arab invasion.

Latin from Becker (1838)

Postquam Muchumetus ille dirus mortem obiit, media die visus est cometa, quem a trabis forma Graeci dociten nominant, Arabum praenuntians imperium, duravit dies triginta, a meridie ad septentrionem pertingens. habuit gladii formam.

Latin from Becker (1838) - embedded



Chronology
Year Reference Corrections Notes
after 8 June 632 CE After Muhammad died, a comet appeared none
5 Oct. 632 to 4 Oct. 633 CE ? 23rd year of Roman Emperor Heraclius ? none
Celestial Observations
  • a comet appeared which lasted for 30 days extending from south to north, looking like a sword
Online Versions and Further Reading
References

Chronicle by Michael the Syrian

Background and Biography

Background and Biography

Excerpts
English from Ambraseys (2009) - Both passages

'In the year 945 of the Greeks, there was a violent earthquake, in the month of ilul, and after the earthquake there was a sign in the sky; it appeared in the form of a sword stretching from south to north, and remained for thirty days. To many it seemed to signify the coming of the Taiyayz (Arabs)' (Mich. Syr. xi. 4/ii. 414).
`At this time [a.S. 946 (Arabs' defeat of Theodoric), before the fourth year of Omar] there was a great earthquake, and at the moment of the earthquake the sun was eclipsed. In this earthquake the church of the Resurrection and that of Golgotha fell, together with many other places. Modestus, the Chalcedonian bishop, rebuilt them. ’ (Mich. Syr. xi. 5/ii. 419)

English from Chabot (1899-1910) - 1st passage

CHAPTER [IV]. — Of the invasion of the Taiyayê (Arab) in the countries of the Romans and the Persians; and of the union that Athanasius made with the people of Tagrit.

We have shown above how, from the beginning of the Arab Empire, they were going to take captives, plunder, steal, ambush, invade and destroy countries, during the whole life of Muhammad.

When Muhammad died, Abu Bekr succeeded him, and sent four generals: one to Palestine, another to Egypt, the third to Persia and the fourth against the Taiyaye (Arab) Christians. And all returned victorious1a

He who went to Palestine marched against Caesarea2. The Patrician Sergius, who was there, gathered an army of Romans and Samaritans, of about five thousand infantry, and prepared to fight against the Taiyayê (Arabs). When the battle took place, the Taiyayê were better armed and stronger than the Romans. They first massacred all the Samaritans. The Patrician, seeing the people who were with him dying, turned his back and fled. The Taiyayê passed them to the edge of the sword, pursued them, and cut them like reapers (cut) the ears of corn. [412] Suddenly, the Patrician fell from his horse; those who were with him gathered together and put him back on horseback, and he continued to flee. Soon after, he fell a second time, and those who followed him put him back on his horse again and he went on. Then he fell for the third time, and as those who followed him hastened and wanted to raise him up, he said to them, Leave me alone, and save yourselves, lest you drink with me the chalice of death which God has sent upon our empire, in his great wrath of justice. They left him and fled. The pursuers soon arrived and found him lying; he was killed with a saber blow. — The Taiyaye pursued the Romans until evening; scarcely a few Romans escaped, and let Caesarea know (the thing).

The Taiyayê triumphed with similar victories wherever [413] they went: their terror seized kings and their armies.

In the year 945 of the Greeks, there was a violent earthquake, in the month of îlul, and after the earthquake, there was a sign in the sky; it appeared in the form of a sword extending from south to north, and remained for 30 days. It seemed to many that it signified the coming of the Taiyayê1b.

At that time, the Emperor Heraclius ordered that all the Jews who were in all the countries of the Roman Empire should become Christians. For this reason the Jews fled from the lands of the Romans; they came first to Edessa; having been violated again in this place, they fled to Persia. Many of them received baptism and became Christians. — This chapter is over.
Footnotes

1a. The chronology of our author is very confused with regard to the first conquests of the Arabs. Compare on this topic : De Goeje, Mémoire sur la conquête de la Syrie, 2nd ed., Leide, 1900.

2. Cf. Theoph., ad ann, 624; and, Hist. du Bas-Emp., LVIII, § xiv.

1b. Theoph., ad. app. 624.

English from Chabot (1899-1910) - 2nd passage

CHAPTER [V]. — From the time of the beginning of the Arab Empire or Taiyayê; of the death of Blessed Patriarch Mar Athanasis..

[414] In the year 946 (of the Greeks), 24 of Heraclius, and 13 of the Taiyayê (Arabs), Abu Bakr died, after having reigned two years. —After him 'Umar the son of Khattab reigned. He sent a force to Arabia; they seized Bosra and destroyed other towns.

... [Aside] [414] At that time [ ]there was a great earthquake; and at the moment of the shaking, the sun was obscured. In this earthquake, the Church of the Resurrection, that of Golgotha, and many other places fell. Modestus, the Chalcedonian bishop1, rebuilt them.
Footnotes

1. From Jerusalem.

English Translation by Bedrosian (1870-1871) of an Armenian version of Michael the Syrian

  • Bedrosian (1870-1871)
  • There is no earthquake in this version of Michael the Syrian but there is a discussion of early Islamic conquests where Byzantine General general Sargis is mentioned.
Background
Background

Michael the Syrian's Chronicle was also translated into Armenian twice in the first half of the 13th century. Over 60 Armenian manuscripts have survived. These manuscripts are, however, abridged and edited. The fact is we don't have an original copy of Michael the Syrian's Chronicle. We have multiple differing versions. The excerpt below was translated into English from Classical Armenian editions found in Jerusalem by Robert Bedrosian in the years 1870 and 1871.

[ 124 ]

In the meantime Heraclius added to his wickedness by marrying his brother's daughter, Martina, in his old age. She gave birth to a son of impiety named Heracleonas.

Muhammad, after ruling over many lands for seven years, died. Muhammad tyrannized over many districts preaching a religion according to his own wishes, and establishing laws as he willed. Then rule of the kingdom was taken by Abu Bakr for two years and five [or, seven] months.

After Abu Bakr, 'Umar ruled. He sent many captives to Arabia [g303]. He took Basra from a Syrian prince, and destroyed numerous cities. ['Umar] sent a large army to Persia and found them in turmoil since some supported Yazdgird [III, 632-651] as king and others supported Ormazd. Eventually Ormazd was slain and Yazdgird reigned. The Arab (Tachik) army, after taking a great deal of booty and prisoners , turned back. On the way home they struck at the Byzantine army and its general Sargis. And they strengthened against both Byzantium and Persia, and became a great power.

French from Chabot (1899-1910) - 1st passage

CHAPITRE [IV]. — De l'invasion des Taiyayê dans les pays des Romains et des Perses; et de l'union qu' Athanasius fît avec les gens de Tagrit.

Nous avons montré précédemment plus haut, comment, dès le commencement de l'empire des Arabes, ils partaient faire des captifs, piller, voler, tendre des embûches, envahir et détruire les pays, pendant tout la vie de Mohammed.

Quand Mohammed fut mort, Abou Bekr lui succéda, et envoya quatre généraux : un en Palestine, un autre en Egypte, le troisième en Perse et le quatrième contre les Taiyayê chrétiens. Et tous revinrent victorieux1a

Celui qui alla en Palestine marcha contre Césarée2. Le patrice Sergius, qui s'y trouvait, rassembla une armée de Romains et de Samaritains, d'environ cinq mille fantassins, et se prépara à combattre contre les Taiyayê. Quand eut lieu la bataille, les Taiyayê furent mieux armés et plus forts que les Romains, Ils massacrèrent tout d'abord tous les Samaritains. Le patrice, voyant périr le peuple qui était avec lui, tourna le dos et s'enfuit. Les Taiyayê les passaient au fil de l'épée, les poursuivaient, et les coupaient comme des moissonneurs (coupent) les épis. [412] Tout à coup, le patrice tomba de son cheval; ceux qui étaient avec lui s'assemblèrent et le remirent à cheval, et il continua à fuir. Bientôt après, il tomba une seconde fois, et ceux qui le suivaient le remirent de nouveau à cheval et il continua. Puis il tomba pour la troisième fois, et comme ceux qui le suivaient s'empressaient et voulaient le relever, il leur dit : Laissez-moi, et sauvez-vous vous-mêmes, de peur que vous ne buviez avec moi le calice de la mort que Dieu a envoyé sur notre empire, dans sa grande colère de justice. Ils le laissèrent et s'enfuirent. Les poursuivants arrivèrent bientôt et le trouvèrent gisant; il fut tué d'un coup de sabre. — Les Taiyayê poursuivirent les Romains jusqu'au soir; quelques Romains à peine échappèrent, et firent savoir (la chose) à Césarée.

Les Taiyayê triomphèrent par de semblables victoires partout où [413] ils allèrent : leur terreur s'empara des rois et de leurs armées.

En l'an 945 des Grecs, il y eut un violent tremblement de terre, au mois d'îloul, et après le tremblement, il y eut un signe dans le ciel; il se présenta sous la forme d'un glaive s'étendant du sud au nord, et demeura pendant 30 jours. Il sembla à plusieurs qu'il signifiait la venue des Taiyayê1b.

A cette époque, l'empereur Heraclius prescrivit que tous les Juifs qui se trouvaient dans tous les pays de l'empire des Romains se fissent chrétiens. Pour ce motif, les Juifs s'enfuirent des pays des Romains; ils vinrent d'abord à Édesse; ayant été de nouveau violentés en cet endroit, ils s'enfuirent en Perse. Un grand nombre d'entre eux reçurent le baptême et devinrent chrétiens. — Ce chapitre est fini.
Footnotes

1a. La chronologie de notre auteur est fort confuse en ce qui concerne les premières conquêtes des Arabes. Comp. sur ce sujet : De Goeje, Mémoire sur la conquête de la Syrie, 2" éd., Leide, 1900.

2. Cf. Theoph., ad ann, 624; et, Hist. du Bas-Emp., LVIII, § xiv.

1b. Theoph., ad. ann. 624.

French from Chabot (1899-1910) - 2nd passage

CHAPITRE [V]. — De l' époque du commencement de l' empire des Arabes ou Taiyayê; de la mort du bienheureux patriarche Mar Athanasis..

[414] En l'an 946 (des Grecs), 24 d'Heraclius, et 13 des Taiyayê, mourut Abou Bekr, après avoir régné deux ans. — Après lui régna 'Omar fils de Khattâb. Il envoya une troupe en Arabie; ils s'emparèrent de Bosra et détruisirent d'autres villes.

... [414] A cette époque, il y eut un grand tremblement de terre; et au moment de la secousse, le soleil s'obscurcit. — Dans ce tremblement de terre, l'église de la Résurrection, celle du Golgotha, et beaucoup d'autres lieux, tombèrent. Modestus, l'évêque chalcédonien1, les rebâtit.
Footnotes

1. De Jérusalem.

English Translation by Bedrosian (1870-1871) of an Armenian version of Michael the Syrian - embedded



French from Chabot (1899-1910) - 1st passage - embedded



French from Chabot (1899-1910) - 2nd passage - embedded



Syriac from Chabot (1899-1910) - 1st passage - embedded

  • Book XI Chapter IV
  • assumed to be on pages 412-413
  • hand copied manuscript which shows some of the original layout
  • appears to be the manuscript which was written for Chabot between 1897 and 1899 CE in Edessa
  • ordered right to left
  • Chabot (1899-1910)
  • from archive.org


Syriac from Chabot (1899-1910) - 2nd passage - embedded

  • Book XI Chapter V
  • assumed to be on page 414
  • hand copied manuscript which shows some of the original layout
  • appears to be the manuscript which was written for Chabot between 1897 and 1899 CE in Edessa
  • ordered right to left
  • Chabot (1899-1910)
  • from archive.org


Chronology
A.G. 945 Account
Year Reference Corrections Notes
Sept. 634 CE in the month of ilul A.G. 945 none
  • A.G. 945 spanned 1 Oct 633 to 30 Sept. 634 CE
  • ilul in the Syriac calendar corresponds to September
  • This dates the earthquake to Sept. 634 CE
  • calculated using CHRONOS
A.G. 946 Account
Year Reference Corrections Notes
1 Oct. 634 to 30 Sept. 635 CE A.G. 946 none
5 Oct. 633 to 4 Oct. 634 CE year 24 of Heraclius none
7 March 634 - 24 Feb. 635 CE year 13 of the Taiyayê (Arabs) - i.e., A.H. 13 none
incorrect date of 614 CE In this earthquake the church of the Resurrection and that of Golgotha fell none
Seismic Effects

A.G. 945 Account
  • there was a violent earthquake
A.G. 946 Account
  • there was a great earthquake
  • In this earthquake the church of the Resurrection and that of Golgotha fell, together with many other places. - false synchronicity1
Footnotes

1 the church of the Resurrection (i.e., the Church of the Holy Sepulcher) was damaged or destroyed in 614 CE during the Sasanian conquest of Jerusalem. It was restored in 629 CE by Modestus. It was intact when Omar took possession of Jerusalem in 637 CE (Le Strange, 1890:202).

Celestial Observations

A.G. 945 Account
  • after the earthquake there was a sign in the sky; it appeared in the form of a sword stretching from south to north, and remained for thirty days
A.G. 946 Account
  • at the moment of the earthquake the sun was eclipsed
Locations

A.G. 945 Account
  • none specified
A.G. 946 Account
  • Jerusalem - In this earthquake the church of the Resurrection and that of Golgotha fell, together with many other places - false synchronicity1
Footnotes

1 the church of the Resurrection (i.e., the Church of the Holy Sepulcher) was damaged or destroyed in 614 CE during the Sasanian conquest of Jerusalem. It was restored in 629 CE by Modestus. It was intact when Omar took possession of Jerusalem in 637 CE (Le Strange, 1890:202).

Sources
Sources

Online Versions and Further Reading
References

The Blessed Collection by George Al-Makin

Aliases

Aliases in Arabic
Jirjis al-Makīn جرجس امكين
Ibn al-ʿAmīd بن العميد
George Elmacin (Anglicized)
Georgius Elmacinus (Latin)
Background and Biography
Background and Biography

Excerpts
First Passage from Ambraseys (2009)

There was a great earthquake in Palestine for thirty days and also a great plague arose in the same place.' (al-Mak. HS. i. 2/19).

Second Passage from Ambraseys (2009)

`There was a great earthquake in Palestine which lasted thirty days. The shock was violent and was followed by a great plague.' (al-Mak. HM. i. 2/20).

Seismic Effects
  • There was a great earthquake in Palestine which lasted thirty days
  • The shock was violent
An earthquake lasting 30 days could describe an extended period of aftershocks however 30 days is how long some other authors say the celestial apparition described as a "Sword in the Sky" lasted.

Locations
  • Palestine
Sources
Sources

Online Versions and Further Reading
References

Chronicon by Bar Hebraeus

Background and Biography

Background and Biography

Excerpts
English from Budge (1932)

After Mahammad, Abu Bakr [ruled] for two years. This [Khalifah] sent forth four captains of hosts, [one] to Palestine, [one] to Egypt, [one] to Persia, [and one] to Arabia against the Christian Arabs. The captain who came to Palestine marched against Caesarea. Then Sargi (Sergius) Patricius collected from among the Rhomaye and from among the Shamraye (Samaritans) an army of about five thousand foot soldiers. And when the Arabs joined battle with the Rhomaye they were victorious, and they destroyed first of all the Shamraye. And when Patricius saw that the people who were with him were defeated, he turned his back [in flight]. And the Arabs pursued the Rhomaye, and they mowed them down as reapers mow the standing crops. Now it happened that Sargi (Sergius) fell from his horse, and his servants gathered together and set him on it again. And again he fell, and again they set him on his horse. And again he fell, for the third time. And when his servants wanted to set him on his horse again, he said unto them, ‘Save yourselves, and leave ye me that I may die by myself without [100] even you being with me’. And thus the Arabs overtook him and killed him, and they returned with victory. And in a similar manner those captains of hosts who had gone to the other regions returned with victory. And the fear of the Arabs fell upon all kings.

And at that time the Persians evacuated Egypt and Palestine, and all the countries of the Rhomaye. And Shahrbaraz sent Heraclius and he took an army with him and he killed Kardigan ; and then he reigned one year and was killed. And after him Baram, the daughter of Kesru, reigned for a few months and died. And then her sister Zadimidukht reigned. And many [others] reigned [after her] in a period of two years. And at this time the natives of Edessa whom Kesru had carried off into captivity returned from Persia. And Heraclius transgressed the Law and took Martina, his brother’s daughter, to wife, and begat by her an illegitimate son Herakluna. At this time, in the month of ilul (September), an earthquake took place. And a sign, like unto a spear, appeared in the heavens, and it reached from the south to the north, and it remained there for thirty days. This manifestly made known the victory of the Arabs.

After Abu Bakr, Omar bar-Khattab [ruled] ten years.

English from Budge (1932) -embedded



Chronology
Year Reference Corrections Notes
September in the month of ilul (September), an earthquake took place none
  • Year not specified
after 8 June 632 CE The account takes place after the death of Muhammad none
before 23 Aug. 634 CE The account takes place before Umar began ruling none
  • Umar began ruling on 23 Aug. 634 CE
false synchronicity Heraclius transgressed the Law and took Martina, his brother’s daughter, to wife, and begat by her an illegitimate son Herakluna. At this time, in the month of ilul (September), an earthquake took place none
  • Heraclius married his niece Martina in 613 CE or the 620s CE.
  • Bar Hebraeus may be creating this juxtaposition of a "sinful marriage" with an earthquake to hint to the reader that the earthquake was caused by Heraclius' "sinful marriage".
Seismic Effects
  • an earthquake took place
Celestial Observations
  • a sign, like unto a spear, appeared in the heavens, and it remained there for 30 days
Locations
  • none specified
Sources
Sources

Online Versions and Further Reading
References

The History of the Caliphs by Jalal al-Din As-Suyuti

The History of the Caliphs by عبد الرحمن بن كمال الدين أبي بكر بن محمد سابق الدين خضر الخضيري الأسيوطي

Aliases

Aliases Arabic
Al-Suyuti
As-Suyuti
Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti
Abu 'l-Fadl 'Abd al-Rahman ibn Abi Bakr ibn Muhammad Djalal al_Din al-Khudayri
Background and Biography
Background and Biography

Excerpts
1st Earthquake - English from Clarke (1995)

Al-Hakim narrated in his Mustadrak that Abu Hurayrah, may Allah be pleased with him, said:
When the Messenger of Allah, may Allah bless him and grant him peace, died, Makkah was shaken with an earthquake and Abu Quhafah heard that and said, ‘What is this?’ They said, ‘The Messenger of Allah, may Allah bless him and grant him peace, has died.’ He said, ‘A momentous thing. Who has undertaken the command after him?’ They said, ‘Your son.’ He said, ‘Are Banu 'Abd Manaf and Banu al-Mughirah contented with that?’ They said, ‘Yes.’ He said, ‘No-one may put down what they raise up and no-one may raise up what they put down.’
Al-Waqidi narrated in a variety of ways that 'A’ishah, Ibn Umar, Sa'id ibn al-Musayyab and others relate that Abu Bakr was pledged allegiance on the day that the Messenger of Allah, may Allah bless him and grant him peace, died, on Monday the 12th night of Rabi al-Awwal in the eleventh year of the Hijrah [JW: 7 June 632 CE].

2nd Earthquake - English from Clarke (1995)

Ibn Sa'd narrated that Said ibn al-Musayyab said that Umar, may Allah be pleased with him, prayed over Abu Bakr between the grave (of the Prophet, may Allah bless him and grant him peace) and the minbar, and said four takbirs over him.

He narrated that Urwah and al-Qasim ibn Muhammad said that Abu Bakr left as his last wish to A’ishah that he should be buried by the side of the Messenger of Allah, may Allah bless him and grant him peace. When he died, they dug a grave for him and put his head at the shoulder of the Messenger, may Allah bless him and grant him peace, and the niche (wherein the body was laid) touuched the grave of the Messenger, may Allah bless him and grant him peace.

He narrated that Ibn Umar said: Umar, Talhah, Uthman and Abd ar-Rahman ibn Abi Bakr got down into Abu Bakr’s grave (to place the body in the niche). He narrated by many different routes that he was buried at night.

He narrated that Ibn al-Musayyab said that when Abu Bakr died, Makkah was shaken by an earthquake, and so Abu Quhafah said, What is this?’ They said, ‘Your son has died.’ He said, ‘A great misfortune! Who has undertaken the command after him?’ They said, ‘Umar.’ He said, ‘His companion.’

1st Earthquake - English from Clarke (1995) -embedded

  • see page 58 half way down the page starting with Al-Hakim narrated in his Mustadrak that Abu Hurayrah
  • from Clarke (1995:58)
  • from archive.org


2nd Earthquake - English from Clarke (1995) - embedded

  • see page 75 halfway down the page starting with Ibn Sa'd narrated that Said ibn al-Musayyab said
  • from Clarke (1995:75)
  • from archive.org


Chronology
1st Earthquake
Year Reference Corrections Notes
8 June 632 CE When the Messenger of Allah, may Allah bless him and grant him peace, died, Makkah was shaken with an earthquake none
  • Muhammad died on 8 June 632 CE
  • Account may be theologically motivated
2nd Earthquake
Year Reference Corrections Notes
23 August 634 CE when Abu Bakr died, Makkah was shaken by an earthquake none
  • Abu Bakr died on 23 August 634 CE
  • Account may be theologically motivated
Seismic Effects

1st Earthquake
  • Makkah was shaken with an earthquake
2nd Earthquake
  • Makkah was shaken with an earthquake
Locations

1st Earthquake
  • Mecca
2nd Earthquake
  • Mecca
Sources
Sources

Notes and Further Reading
References

Annals by Eutychius

Background and Biography

Background and Biography

Excerpts
English from Pirone (1987)

5. When Abu Bakr became caliph, there was the first riddah [war] among the Arabs, but he fought those who did not remain in Islam to the end. Then he sent Khalid ibn al-Walid with a huge army into Iraq. Khalid encamped in Mesopotamia. The notables of the place came to meet them, he gave them a guarantee of security and they made a pact of peace with him by giving him seventy thousand dirhams: this was the first jizya in Iraq and the first money that was given to Abu Bakr from Iraq. Next Abu Bakr sent letters to Yemen, to Ta’if, Mecca and to other Arab people asking aid to subjugate Rum. They responded to his appeal, and Abu Bakr put in charge of the expedition Amr ibn al-As, Sarhabil ibn Hasana, Abu Ubayda ibn al-Garrah and Yazid ibn Abi Sufyan. He entrusted to them the fighters and designated as supreme head Amr ibn al-As, ordering them to focus on Syria taking the road to Aylah. He ordered them not to kill old people or children or women, not to cut down fruit trees, not to destroy the towns, not to burn the palms, not to cripple and kill sheep, cows and goats. They made their way until they came to a village called Tādūn, in the territory of Ghazza, on the border with al-Hiğāz. Having been informed that in the city of Ghazza the armies of Heraclius were concentrating, who was then in Damascus, Amr ibn al-As wrote to Abu Bakr asking for reinforcements, and making him aware of the plans of Heraclius. Abu Bakr then wrote to Khalid ibn al-Walid to bring his men to Amr ibn al-As to support him. So Khalid ibn al-Walid moved from Mesopotamia taking the way of the desert until he reached Amr ibn al-As. Meanwhile the soldiers of Heraclius were well fortified in Ghazza. Having come to Ghazza, the patrician who commanded the army of Heraclius turned to the Muslim soldiers and asked them to send him their commander, in order to know, through him, what they had to say. Khalid then said to Amr ibn al-As: “You go”, and Amr went. He opened the gate of Ghazza and entered. When he came to the patrician, he greeted him and said: “Why have you come into our country, and what do you want?” Amr ibn al-As replied: “Our king has ordered us to fight you. But if you embrace our religion, if you feel it is as useful to you as it is to us, and harmful to your interests as it is to ours, if you are our brothers, then we will not allow wrong or revenge to be done to you. If you refuse, you will pay the jizya: a jizya agreed between us, every year, forever, as long as we live, and you live: we will fight for you against anyone who dares to oppose you and lay claim on your territory, on your lives, on your assets, and on your children; we will take care of these things for you if you accept our protection by entering into an agreement for this purpose. If you refuse then there will be between us only the judgment of the sword: we will fight to the death, and until we get what we want from you.” On hearing the words of Amr ibn al-As and seeing the lack of hesitation that the subject gave him, the patrician said to his men: “I think he is the leader of the people.” So he ordered them to kill Amr as soon as he came to the gate of the city. There was with Amr a slave named Wardan, who knew Greek very well because he was Greek. Wardan informed Amr of what he had heard: “Be very careful how to escape.” The patrician then asked Amr ibn al-As: “Is there anyone like you, among your companions?” Amr replied: “I’m the the least of all who speak, and less authoritative than any other. I am merely a messenger, and repeat what was said to me by my colleagues, ten people more important than me, who are busy with soldiers and wanted to come with me, here with you. But they sent me to hear what you have to tell us. However, if you want me to make them come here, so you can listen to them, and to know that I told you the truth, I will.” The patrician said to him: “Yes, let them come.” In fact, he thought and said to himself: “I think it’s better to kill many than just one.” So he sent word to those, to whom he had given the order to kill Amr, not to do it, and to let him out without any trouble, in the hope that he would bring his ten companions and kill them all together. After he had come out of the gate, Amr ibn al-As informed his men of what had happened and said: “I never go back to someone like that,” and he finished talking, shouting, “Allahu Akbar!” The Rum came out against the Arabs and engaged in a violent battle with them, but were put to flight. The Muslims made a great slaughter of them, and then gave chase, driving them into Palestine and Jordan. They took refuge in Jerusalem, in Caesarea, and wherever they could. The Muslims left them and went away from the parts of al-Bathaniyyah. Then he wrote to Abu Bakr informing him of what had happened. When the messenger came to him, he was already dead and had been succeeded by Umar ibn al-Khattab. Abu Bakr himself, when he was sick, designated Umar ibn al-Khattab as his successor and ordered Uthman ibn Affan to put this in writing.

6. Abu Bakr died on the penultimate day of the month of ğumāda al-akhar, in the thirteenth year of the Hegira. The ritual prayers were held by Umar ibn al-Khattab. He was buried in the same house in which Muhammad had been buried. His caliphate lasted two years, three months and twenty-two days. He died at the age of seventy-three. Abu Bakr was tall, with a fair complexion which verged on pale, thin, with a thin, sparse beard, a gaunt face and sunken eyes. He dyed his beard with hinna and cetamo, and his waist could barely bear the izar. His minister was Abu Qahhafa as-Sandas and his hāgib was his freedman Sadid.

CALIPHATE OF OMAR IBN AL-KHATTĀB (13-23 / 634-644)

1. On the third day after the death of Abu Bakr, in the thirteenth year of the reign of Heraclius, King of Rum, Omar ibn al-Khattab b. Nufayl b. Abd al-Aziz b. Riyah b. Addi b. Ka’ab was made Caliph. His mother was Khathimah, daughter of Hisham b. al-Mughira b. Abd Allah b. Omar b. Makhzūm.

2. At the beginning of his caliphate there was made patriarch of Alexandria George. He held the office four years. When he learned that the Muslims had defeated the Rum, had occupied Palestine and were moving towards Egypt, he embarked on a ship and fled from Alexandria to Constantinople. After him the seat of Alexandria remained without a Melkite Patriarch for ninety-seven years. ...

English from Pirone (1987) - Chapter 18b (part 2) - embedded



English from Pirone (1987) - Chapter 18c (part 1) - embedded



Online Versions and Further Reading
References

Chronicle Ad 724

Background and Biography

Background and Biography

Excerpts
List of Caliphs - English from Penn (2015)

A notice concerning the life of Muhammad, the messenger of God — from his first year, after he had entered his city and three months before he entered [it]; and how long each subsequent king who rose up over the Hagarenes lived after they began to reign; and how long there was dissension among them.

  • Three months before Muhammad came.
  • And Muhammad lived ten [more] years.
  • Abū Bakr, son of Abū Quh.āfa: two years and six months.
  • ʻUmar, son of al-Khattab: ten years and three months.
  • ʻUthmān, son of ʻAffān: twelve years.
  • After ʻUthmān, dissension: fi e years and four months.
  • Muʻāwiya, son of Abū Sufyān: nineteen years and two months.
  • Yazīd, son of Muʻāwiya: three years and eight months.
  • After Yazīd, dissension: nine months.
  • Marwān, son of al-Hakam: nine months.
  • ʻAbd al-Malik, son of Marwān: twenty-one years and one month.
  • Walīd, son of ʻAbd al-Malik: nine years and eight months.
  • Sulaymān, son of ʻAbd al-Malik: two years and nine months.
  • ʻUmar, son of ʻAbd al-Azīz: two years and five months.
  • Yazīd, son of ʻAbd al-Malik: four years, one month, and two days.
  • All the years come to one hundred and four, five months, and two days.

Sources
Source for the list of Caliphs

Penn (2015:196-197) explains why it is likely that the list of Caliphs follows an Islamic exemplar.

First, as Robert Hoyland points out, an unusual phrase that describes the first year of Muhammad’s reign (“his first year, after he had entered his city and three months before he entered [it]”) betrays a strong knowledge of Islamic tradition. Later Muslim writers, such as Muhammad ibn Jarīr al-Tabarī, state that Muhammad’s entry into Medina took place in the third month of the year. This would require A.H. 1 to start three months prior to Muhammad’s emigration, just as it appears in the Chronicle’s introduction. Second, as both Hoyland and Andrew Palmer have noted, the Chronicle’s dates correspond with traditional regnal dates only if one uses a lunar calendar, as did early Muslims. The solar calendar that Christians used would make the Chronicle’s reigns of individual caliphs, as well as the grand sum appearing in the Chronicle’s final line, too long. Finally, the Chronicle ad 724 contains two Arabic loan words, rasul (messenger) and fitna (dissension). If it had been originally composed in Syriac, the author most likely would have used Syriac words for these concepts rather than Syriac transliterations of Arabic.

Online Versions and Further Reading
References

The History by Ibn Wāḍiḥ al-Yaʿqūbī

(شذرات الذهب في أخبار من ذهب) by أبو العب

Aliases

Aliases Aliases
al-Yaʿqūbī أبو العب
ʾAbū l-ʿAbbās ʾAḥmad bin ʾAbī Yaʿqūb bin Ǧaʿfar bin Wahb bin Waḍīḥ al-Yaʿqūbī أبو العباس أحمد بن أبي يعقوب بن جعفر بن وهب بن واضح اليعقوبي
Background and Biography
Background and Biography

Excerpts
English from Gordon et al (2018)

Abū Bakr’s death took place on Tuesday, 8 nights remaining in Jumādā II 13,919 corresponding to the non-Arab month of Āb (August).
Footnotes

919 21 Jumādā II 13 = August 22, 634. [JW:22 August 634 CE fell on a Monday - days and dates confirmed with CHRONOS for A.H. 13]

English from Gordon et al (2018) - embedded



Chronology
Death of Abu Bakr
Year Reference Corrections Notes
22 or 23 August 634 CE Abū Bakr’s death took place on Tuesday, 8 nights remaining in Jumādā II A.H. 13 corresponding to the non-Arab month of Āb (August) none
  • 8 nights remaining in Jumādā II is 21 Jumādā II
  • 21 Jumada II equates to 22 August 634 CE (calculated with CHRONOS
  • 21 Jumada II (22 August 634 CE) fell on a Monday (Calculated with CHRONOS}
  • Discrepancy in day of the week might be explained by the Islamic day starting at sundown and the Julian day starting at midnight
Online Versions and Further Reading
References

History of the Prophets and Kings by al-Tabari

Background and Biography

Background and Biography

Excerpts
English from Blankinship (1993)

[Abu Bakr's Illness and Death]

Abu Zayd-`Ali b. Muhammad, according to his isnad, which has been mentioned before: Abu Bakr died at the age of sixty -three years on Monday, 21 Jumada al-Akhirah [22 August 634].683
...
Abu Ja`far: `Attib b. Asid685 died at Mecca on the day on which Abu Bakr died. Both were poisoned together, then 'Attab died at Mecca.

Other authorities686 on the cause of Abu Bakr's illness, which he died of, include
  • al-Hirith687
  • Ibn Sa`d688
  • Muhammad b. 'Umar
  • Usamah b. Zayd al-Laythi689
  • Muhammad b. Hamzah 690
  • `Amr 691 his father692
  • Muhammad b. `Abdallih 693
  • al-Zuhr1694
  • `Urwah 'A'ishah695and Umar b.`Imran b.696 `Abdallah b. `Abd al-Rahman b. Abi Bakr al-Siddiq697
  • `Umar b. al-Husayn, the mawla of the family of Mazun698
  • Talhah b. `Abdallah b. `Abd al-Rahmin b. Abi Bakr699
Abu Bakr first began to get sick when he bathed on Monday, 7 Jumada al-Akhirah (8 August 634)700 which was a cold day. Thus, he contracted a fever for fifteen days, during which he did not go forth for congregational worship . He commanded 'Umar b. al-Khattab to lead the worship. The people would come in to visit him, though he grew worse each day. He was staying in his house, which God's Messenger had given him, which faces the house of `Uthman b. 'Affan today. `Uthman had compelled them to be constantly with Abu Bakr in his illness. Abu Bakr died on the eve of Tuesday,701 31 Jumada al-Akhirah of the year 13 of the hijrah (22 August 634). His caliphate lasted two years, three months, and ten days.

Footnotes

683. The day of the week matches with the date. (confirmed with CHRONOS for A.H. 13)

685. Al-Umawi al-Qurashi, he was born after 6oo C.E. He was appointed governor of Mecca by the Prophet in 8/630 , even though he had only just become a Muslim. He held the post until his death. A variant version puts his death c. 23/644 rather than 13/634, as here. The English word tabby derives ultimately from his name. See EP, s.v `Attab; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 8; II, 204; Wiqidi, Maghazi, 6, 889, 959; the Hisham, Sirah, II, 413, 440, 500, 605; Ibn Said, Tabbaqat, II, 145;II, 187; V, 446; VIII, 262; Zubayri, Nasab, 187,312,418; Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, 56, 58, 63, 72,99,107; Ibn Hajar, Isabah, II, 451-52.

686. Of these three isnads, all go through Muhammad b. `Umar al -Waqidi, the third transmitter in the first isnad.

687. Al-Hirith b. Abi Usamah, he was a transmitter of Ibn Sa`d's traditions who died in 282/895. See EI2, s.v. Ibn Sa'd.

688. Abu 'Abdallah al-Basri, he was a famous transmitter of the traditions of al-Wagidi. His great work al-Tabaqat al-kabir is still extant and often cited in these pages. He lived c. 168-230/784-845. See EI2, s.v. Ibn Sa'd.

689. Actually a mawla of the Layth, he was an important Medinan transmitter whose authority was impugned by many scholars but nevertheless deemed trustworthy by Muslim in his Sahih. He died at an age over seventy in 153/770. Al-Dhahabi and Ibn Hajar allege that he is different from Usamah b. Zayd b. Aslam, the grandson of `Umar b. al-Khattab's mawla Aslam, but it appears from their biographies that the two are either the same person or were two persons whose stories have become confused. Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat, V, 413; In Khayyat, Ta'rikh, 662; Dhahabi, Mizan, I, 174-75; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, I, 207-10.

690. Muhammad b. Hamzah b. `Amr al-Aslami, he was a Medinan transmitter with a mixed reputation. See Ibn Sa'd, Tabbaqat, V, 248; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, IX, 127.

691. Apparently this is `Amr b. Shu`ayb b. Muhammad b. 'Abdallah b. `Amr b. al-`As al-Sahmi al-Qurashi, a noble Hijazi traditionist of mixed reputation who died at al-Ta'if in 118/736. See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 25; II, 184; Ibn Sa`d, Tabaqat, V, 243; Zubayri, Nasab, 411; Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, 516; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, VIII, 48-55.

692. Shu`ayb b. Muhammad, he was a resident of al-Ti'if and Medina. See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 25; II, 530; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat, V, 243; Zubayri, Nasab, 411; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, IV, 356-57, VIII, 51-55.

693. Tabari, Index, 517, identifies this person as Muhammad b. 'Abdallah b. al-Zubayr b. `Umar b. Dirham, the mawla of the Asad, who died in 203/819 and hence was nearly contemporary with al-Waqidi. Although al-Waqidi did quote from him, he is not the Muhammad b. 'Abdallah meant here, for there is no evidence he quoted from al-Zuhri. See Ibn Hajar; Tahdhib, IX, 254-55. Rather, the Muhammad here is Muhammad b. `Abdallah b. Muslim b. `Ubaydallah b. `Abdallah b. Shihab al-Zuhri, the nephew of the great al-Zuhri and a Medinan traditionist of mixed reputation. This nephew was murdered in 152 /769 or 157/774. He is the only Muhammad b. 'Abdallah attested as transmitting both from al-Zuhri and to al-Waqidi. See Zubayri, Nasab, 274; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, IX, 278-80.

694. Muhammad b. Muslim b. `Ubaydallah b. `Abdallah b. Shihab al-Zuhri al-Qurashi, c. 50-124/670-742., he was one of the most famous early Islamic scholars. He migrated from Medina to Damascus in 81/700, where he was on intimate terms with the Umayyads, especially the caliph Hisham, whose children he tutored. See EI1, s.v al-Zuhri; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 20; II, 424; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat, II, 388-89; Zubayri, Nasab, 274; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, IX, 445-51.

695. That is, `A'ishah bt. Abi Bakr, daughter of the first caliph and wife of the Prophet. She was born in 614 C.E. (or earlier) and died in 58/678. See EI2, s.v. 'A'isha bint Abi Bakr; Ibn Sa`d, Tabaqat, II, 374-78; also, note 766.

696. Text: `an; read: b., as Tabari, I, 2730, and Introductio, Glossarium, Addenda et Emendanda, DCXIII.

697. A great-great grandson of the caliph Abu Bakr. Zubayri, Nasab, 278-79, describes his genealogy only down to his father `Imran, omitting this `Umar himself, who does not seem to be attested elsewhere.

698. Text: Mat`un; read: Maz`un. This `Umar was Abi Qudamah al-Makki, the mawla of `A'ishah bt. Qudamah b. Maz'un of the famous Meccan family of the Jumah clan of the Quraysh. He is said to have served as the judge of Medina and was renowned for his piety and trustworthiness as a traditionist. See Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, VII, 433-34• Waki`, Qudah, I, 268, reports that he was judge of Mecca under al-Mansur or al-Mahdi.

699. A Medinan transmitter of tradition who is held to be reliable, he was a son of the famous `A'ishah bt. Talhah b. `Ubaydallah and was named for his maternal grandfather. His sister married the caliph al-Walid I. See Zubayri, Nasab, 278-79; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, V, 17-18.

700. The day of the week matches with the date.(confirmed with CHRONOS for A.H. 13)

701. The Islamic day begins at sunset, so that he actually died on a Monday, as on P. 129.

Chronology
Death of Abu Bakr
Year Reference Corrections Notes
22 August 634 CE Abu Bakr died at the age of sixty three years on Monday, 21 Jumada al-Akhirah A.H. 13 none
  • 21 Jumada al-Akhirah equates to 22 August 634 CE (calculated with CHRONOS)
  • 21 Jumada al-Akhirah (22 August 634 CE) fell on a Monday (Calculated with CHRONOS}
Online Versions and Further Reading
References

Comet

Cometography Comet Catalog and remarks by Gary Kronk

  • reproduced with permission from Gary Kronk (personal communication,2024)
632

632

The Byzantine monk and chronicler Theophanes the Confessor wrote Chronographia around 813 and noted that at the same time as the Arab conquest "an earthquake occurred in Palestine; and there appeared a sign in the heavens called dokites in the direction of the south, foreboding the Arab conquest. It remained for thirty days, moving from south to north, and was sword-shaped." The earthquake occurred in September.

Georgius Cedrenus wrote in Synopsis Istorion (1100), "a sign appeared for 4 weeks in the south." It is referred to as a "beam" and may have been visible in May or June.

Sources

Chronographia. (813), p. 467

Synopsis Istorion (1100), p. 425.

References

Kronk, Gary W. (1999) Cometography A Catalog of Comets Vol. 1 Ancient-1799: A Catalog of Comets 1 Cambridge University Press - not open access - Cambridge University Press

634

634

The Japanese text Nihongi (720) says a "long-tailed star" was seen sometime during the autumn in the month of 634 August 29 to September 27. It was in the south. The people of that time called it a "besom-star". The text adds that sometime during the month of 635 January 24 to February 22 "the besom-star went round and was seen in the east."

The Chinese texts Chiu T'ang shu (945), T'ang hui yao (961), and Hsin T'ang shu (1060) say this "sparkling star" was seen on 634 September 20. It is reported to have appeared at the Hsu [α Equulei and β Aquarii] and the Wei [ε and θ Pegasi, and α Aquarii]. The date and location indicate an evening sky observation, implying a UT of September 20.5. It disappeared after 11 days of visibility, or on about September 30. The Hsin T'ang shu actually says the comet was seen on September 22, and this date was given by A. G. Pingre (1783) and J. Williams (1871). Pingre also said the comet was last seen on October 3.

FULL MOON: September 12, October 12

Sources

Nihongi, book 2 (720), pp. 166-7

Chiu Tang shu (945), p. 168

Tang hui yao (961), p. 168

Hsin T'ang shu (1060), p. 168

A. G. Pingre (1783), pp. 329, 608

J. Williams (1871), p. 40

Nihon Tennnon Shiryo (1935), p. 475

Ho Peng Yoke (1962), p. 168.

References

Kronk, Gary W. (1999) Cometography A Catalog of Comets Vol. 1 Ancient-1799: A Catalog of Comets 1 Cambridge University Press - not open access - Cambridge University Press

Correspondence from Gary Kronk (2024)

Two official Chinese histories contain accounts about the comet of 634: the Jiu Tang shu (completed in 945) and the Xin Tang shu (completed in 1060). Both texts stated in their astronomical chapters that a “star became fuzzy” in the lunar mansions Xu and Wēi. Xu is the 11th lunar mansion and is defined by Alpha Equulei and Beta Aquarii. Wēi is the 12th lunar mansion and is defined by Epsilon and Theta Pegasi and Alpha Aquarii. Both texts then state that the comet “transitted” Xuanxiao, which is a large area defined by the 10th, 11th, and 12th lunar mansions. The 10th lunar mansion is Nü, which is defined by Epsilon, Mu, and 3 Aquarii. Together, these tell us nothing about the comet’s motion, although it could be suggested that since the comet was said to have transitted Xuanxiao, which includes the 10th lunar mansion, the comet might have headed westward from the area of the 11th and 12th lunar mansions. But this is only conjecture on my part. Did the comet really transit all of Xuanxiao? There is no way to know for sure.

The reason I was waiting to hear from Pankenier is because the Jiu Tang shu also mentions the comet in the biography of Emperor Taizong. It again states that the comet initially appeared in Xu and Wēi, but then states that the comet then passed through Di, which it the 3rd lunar mansion and is defined by several stars in northern Libra. This indicates a considerable motion of over 70° to the west. However, Pankenier said he rechecked the Jiu Tang shu and believes that the phrase “must be an error” and that Di “is surely an old copyist’s error.” So, where I thought the comet might have had a notable westward motion, this now seems unlikely.

As for the duration of visibility, the astronomical chapter of the Jiu Tang shu states that it “lasted 11 days in all.” This would include the discovery date of September 20, so that the day of the final observation would have been September 30. The astronomical chapter of the Xin Tang shu indicates that on October 3 the comet “no longer appeared.” This is not an indication that the comet was seen on this date, so there is no contradiction to the apparent observation on September 30.

There is one more thing I need to point out. From studies of the past motion of Halley’s Comet, we know that when that comet passes through lunar mansions it can sometimes be north or south of the stars that define those lunar mansions. In fact, the distance can sometimes be quite considerable. The 28 lunar mansions represent the Chinese zodiac and, like our 12 constellations of the zodiac, they can represent ecliptic longitudes that stretch north and south of the plane of the ecliptic. This could add a new issue to the determination of where the comet of 634 was. But there is one more observation that can be of help.

The Japanese text Nihongi was completed in 720. It states that in Autumn, during the 8th month of the year, “A long star was seen in the south.” The 8th month mostly fell in September, so this is definitely the same comet that was seen by the Chinese.

Although I had been leaning toward thinking that the “sword comet” of 632 or 633 or 634 was distinct from the Chinese/Japanese comet, mostly because of the apparent motion to the 3rd lunar mansion Di (now found to be in error), I believe the definite location in the southern sky provides strong evidence that they two may very well be the same comet.

There are two remaining conflicts. First, the sources mentioning the “sword comet” sometimes state that the comet moved from south to north and sometimes state that it extended from south to north. The Japanese description of a “long star” may indicate that length rather than motion might be the more likely scenario. Second, the sources mentioning the “sword comet” seem to consistenty state that the comet remained visible for 30 days, while the Chinese indicate it was 11 days. The solution to this might be that the Chinese experienced more cloudy nights?

Ho Peng Yoke (1962)

20th September, 634

On the 23rd day in the eighth month of the eighth year of the Chen-Kuan reign-period a (po) comet appeared at the Hsu and the Wei (11th and 12th lunar mansions) for 11 days before going out of sight [30th September].
(CTS 36/5b; HTS 32/5b; THY 43/la; WHTK 286/21b; W177.)

Williams follows the HTS which says that the comet appeared on a chia-tzu day (22nd September).

The Japanese records, "During the eighth month of the sixth year of Jomei-tenno [29th August to 27th September approx.] a (chhang-hsing) comet was seen at the south. During the first month of the seventh year [24th January to 22nd February, 635 approx.] the (hui) comet turned round and appeared at the E."
(Dainihonshi ch. 359; Nihongi tr. Aston vol. II pp. 166 and 167; K.)

Sicoli et al. (2023)

634 (X/634 S1)

On 8 June 632 AD, with the death of Muhammad (c. 570-632), the Islamic community chose Abū Bakr (573-634) as successor and leader. By this time much, if not all, of the Arabian peninsula had been submitted to Islam, which eventually began to expand into Byzantine lands. Two years later, under the leadership of Khalid ibn al-Walid (c. 590-642), a capable and valiant Arab general, the Muslim army marched into Syria and conquered much of its territory, including Damascus. Here, after a siege that lasted about a month, on 19 September 634 the city capitulated just while a bright comet appeared in the southern sky [JW: Battle Chronology may not be as well defined as is presented here]. Chinese sources confirm the presence of this comet, beginning on 20 September and observed for eleven days, in the celestial zone that includes Aquarius and Pegasus [Ho 1962, 168; Kronk 1999: 102-103; Pankenier et al. 2008: 70-71]. In the text of George Hamartolos (fl. middle 9th century), it is said that a sword star was seen from the Midday to Arcturus. We believe that the Greek term Ἄρκτου, in ancient Greek Ἀρκτοῦρος (Arktoûros) from ἄρκτος (árktos = Bear, Ursa), should not be referred either to Arcturus (α Boötis, the brightest star of the constellation of Boötes) nor to the Big or Little Dipper but more simply wants to describe the northern polar regions of the sky. This is supported by the fact that the text of Hamartolos is almost identical to that of his contemporary Landolfus Sagax (fl. late 9th century), who in Historia Miscella depicts the figure of the comet "à Mesembria usque ad Arcturum" (Sicoli et al. 2022: 220) [JW: Landolfus Sagax was not the author. This text was written earlier as Chronographia Tripartita by Anastasius Bibliothecarius and copied into Historia Miscella by Landolfus Sagax]. In his chronicle, Cedrenus states that the comet appeared after Muhammad's death without specifying how long afterwards. In Theophanes, on the other hand, the star is associated with an earthquake in Palestine that occurred on the 23rd year of Heraclius, the same year Abu Bakr’s invasion of Gaza (Ambraseys 2009: 220).

Both Pingré, in the first place [1783, I: 328-329], and Kronk later [1999: 102] linked these chronicles to a hypothetical comet that appeared in 632 AD: the year of the death of the prophet of Islam. It is very likely, however, that these two passages are also part of the evidence relating to the comet of 634. Cedrenus' text goes on to say that in the 24th year after the coronation of Heraclius I, which took place in October 610 AD, Caliph Abū Bakr (573-634) also died. The passage in which Theophanes reports both the appearance of the comet and the earthquake relates to the same year as the Arab invasion and the subsequent death of the patriarch Sergius. According to the Byzantine historian, Sergius had faced the opposing militia supported by only 300 soldiers and was killed in the first moments of the clash [Mango and Scott 1997: 467]. This battle must be dated to 634 AD [Mayerson 1964: 158; Gil 1997: 38] and to the same year should be ascribed both the earthquake (month of August or September) and the subsequent appearance of the comet. [Hoyland 2011: 93-94]. Despite the difference between Western and Eastern records about the comet's stay in the sky (30 days for the former, 11 days for the latter), in our opinion, this comet has all the credentials to be classified as X/634 S1.

Eastern Sources

Sicoli et al. (2023:104)


Theophanes Confessor, Chronographia, p. 516
[A.M. 6124 = 632-633] Αὐτῷ δὲ τῷ χρόνφ σεισμὸς ἐγένετο κατὰ τὴν Παλαιστίνην καὶ ἐφάνη σημεῖον ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ κατὰ μεσημβρίαν, ὁ λεγόμενος δοκίτης, προμηνύων τὴν τῶν Αρὰβων ἐπικράτησιν ἔμεινε δὲ ἐπὶ ἡμέρας τριάκοντα διατείνων ἀπὸ μεσημβρίας ἕως ἄρκτου. ἦν δὲ ξιφοειδής.
In the same year an earthquake occurred in Palestine and a clear sign was seen in the sky called "δοκίτης", towards the southern sector, which foreboding the Arab conquest. it was in the shape of a sword and remained visible for thirty days, moving from south to north.
Historia Miscella, Lib. XVIII, p. 133 [Anastasius Bibliothecarius]
[633-634] Porrò eodem anno terraemotus factus est in Palestina. & apparuit signum in coelo quod dicitur δοκίτης. Contra meridiem, praenuncians Arabum potestatem. Perdu ravit autem diebus triginta extentum à Mesembria usque ad Arcturum: erat autem in mo dum gladii.
Then in the same year [the twenty-third of the reign of Heraclius I (575-641)] there was an earthquake in Palestine and a sign appeared in the sky, which they call a "beam", towards midday foretelling the power of the Arabs. It lasted thirty days and was stretched out, in the shape of a sword, from south towards the north.
Georgius Hamartolus, Chronicon Breve, col. 873
Μετὰ δέ γε τὸν �θάνατον τοῦ θεηλάτου Μαχούµετ ἐφάνη κατὰ µεσηµβρίαν ἀστὴρ λεγό µενος ∆οκίτης προµηνύων τὴν τῶν Ἀράβων ἐπι κράτειαν καὶ ἔµεινεν ἡµέρας λʹ, διατείνων ἀπὸ µεσηµβρίας ἕως Ἄρκτου ξιφοειδῶς.
After the death of the ascetic Muhammad, a star called ∆οκίτης appeared towards the south, announcing the domination of the Arabs; this [star] remained for thirty days in the shape of a sword from South to Arktos.
Agapius, Kitāb al-‘unwān (or Histoire Universelle), p. 454
En cette même année, il y eut un violent tremblement de terre et il parut un signe dans le ciel, sous la forme d’une colonne de feu, qui commença à se mouvoir de l’orient à l’occident et du nord au sud et ensuite disparut. [transl. from Arabic, Vasiliev (1912)].
In this same year there was a powerful earthquake and a sign appeared in the sky in the form of a pillar of fire; it started moving from east to west and from north to south and then disappeared.
Cedrenus Georgius, Compendium Historiarum, tomus prior, p. 745
[633-634] Μετὰ δέ γε τὸν θάνατον τοῦ θεηλάτου Μουχούμετ ἐφάνη κατὰ μεσημβρίαν ἀστὴρ ὁ λεγόμενος δοκίτης, προμηνύων τὴν τῶν Ἀράβων ἐπικράτειαν. ἔμεινε δὲ ἐπὶ ἡμέρας τριάκοντα, διατείνων ἀπὸ μεσημβρίας ἕως ἄρκτου. ἦν δὲ ξιφοειδής.
And after the death of the inspired Muhomet was seen towards the south a comet, similar to a beam, which the Greeks call it δοκίτης. It presaged the rule of the Arabs. And remained thirty days, unfolding from south to north. Its shape was that of a sword.
Sigebertus Gemblacensis, Chronicon ab anno 381 ad 1113, p. 38v
[632] Terremotus factus est per triginta dies: apparuit in coelo signum in modum gladijportendens imminentem Sarracenorum principatum.
Michel Syrien, Chronique, Lib. XI, Cap. IV, p. 414
[634] En l’an 945 des Grecs, il y eut un violent tremblement de terre, au mois d’îloul, et après le tremblement, il y eut un signe dans le ciel; il se présenta sous la forme d’un glaive s’éten dant du sud au nord, et demeura pendant 30 jours. Il sembla à plusieurs qu’il signifiait la venue des Taiyayê. [transl. from Syriac, Chabot (1901)].
In the year 945, of the Greek calendar, there was a violent earthquake between the second fortnight of August and the first fortnight of September and after the earthquake there was a sign in the sky; it came in the form of a sword stretching from south to north and remained there for 30 days. To many it seemed to signify the advent of the Arabs.
Glycae Michael, Annales, p. 515
Μετὰ μέντοι τοῦ θεηλάτου Μωάμεθ θάνατον ἐφάνη ἀστὴρ ἐπὶ μεσημβρίαν δοκίτης, ἐπὶ ἡμέρας λ’, σημαίνων τὴν τῶ Ἀράβων ἔφοδον.
Then as a sort of divine punishment, at the death of Muhammad, a star depicted as a beam was seen around midday that lasted 30 days and signifying the Arab invasion of the Roman Empire.
Abū l-Faraǧ, (Bar Hebraeus), Chronicon Syriacum, p. 105
Hoc tempore terra concussa est mense Elul & apparuit stella in coelo, quae a meridie ad septentrionem processit, similis hastae, & coronae, per 30 dies, quae aperte indicavit victo riam Arabum. [transl. from Syriac Bruns and Kirsch (1789)].
At that time the earth tremored in the month of September and a star appeared in the sky, moving from north to south, resembling a spear with a crown. It lasted 30 days and clearly announced the victory of the Arabs.
Massaeus Christianus, Chronicorum, p. 188
[632] Eodem anno faĉtus terremotus terribilis, visusque gladius in aëre. 30 diebus significans dominum Saracenorum, qui tunc Persas deinde magnam orbis partem subiugarunt.
Frytschius Marcus, Catalogus prodigiorum atque ostentorum, tam coelo quàm in terra, p. G 6 (A)
Signum in coelo visum gladij formam habens, quod triginta diebus versus meridiem sese exervit.

Eclipse Paths

Introduction

In his 2nd passage, Michael the Syrian reported that the sun was eclipsed at the same time that there was an earthquake. Agapius of Menbij reported that after Muhammad died there was a a violent earthquake, and the sun was darkened.

Excerpts

Michael the Syrian - English from Chabot (1899-1910) - 2nd passage

CHAPTER [V]. — From the time of the beginning of the Arab Empire or Taiyayê; of the death of Blessed Patriarch Mar Athanasis..

[414] In the year 946 (of the Greeks), 24 of Heraclius, and 13 of the Taiyayê (Arabs), Abu Bakr died, after having reigned two years. —After him 'Umar the son of Khattab reigned. He sent a force to Arabia; they seized Bosra and destroyed other towns.

... [Aside] [414] At that time [ ]there was a great earthquake; and at the moment of the shaking, the sun was obscured. In this earthquake, the Church of the Resurrection, that of Golgotha, and many other places fell. Modestus, the Chalcedonian bishop1, rebuilt them.
Footnotes

1. From Jerusalem.

Agapius of Menbij - English from Vasilev (1909)

In this year there was a violent earthquake, and the sun was darkened . . . 32

[Mohammed being dead, Abu-Bekr] succeeded [him and reigned for two years. . . He sent four generals . . . with troops: [one in Palestine, another] in Egypt, the third in Persia and the fourth against the Christian Arabs. |209 As for the one that Abu-Bekr sent to Palestine, he met a Greek patrician named Sergius, killed him with all his companions and plundered their camp. The other three (generals) were victorious and returned to Yathrib.

In year 3 of Abu-Bekr, there was a violent earthquake in Palestine; for thirty days the ground trembled. In the same year, there was a strong epidemic in various places.

Abu-Bekr died; and after him reigned Omar, son of Khattab, for twelve years, from the 946 year of Alexander and the thirteenth year of the Arabs. [JW: A.G. 946 (1 Oct. 634 to 30 Sept. 635 CE), A.H. 14 (7 March 634 - 24 Feb. 635 CE)]

In the first year of his reign, he sent troops against al-Balqa, captured Basra, many cities and large fortresses and then returned to Yathrib.

In year 2 [of his reign], Khalid, son of al-Walid, [went] with many troops on al-Balqa and . . . 33 in Persia. Khalid encountered . . . troops of the Greeks and destroyed them. . . . (Heraclius) went out from Menbidj and |210 sent . . . against Khalid and he killed . . . Arabs. . . Damascus. Then Heraclius left Menbidj .. . . Souriyah, which is Syria (ach-Cham), and learned with certainty that the Arabs had conquered it.
Footnotes

32. The following four lines are illegible. A few words can be read, suggesting that they concern the death of Mohammed and the transmission of power to Abu Bekr. Cf. Elmacinus, 9-10, 15.

33. The following six lines are illegible. A translation is given of whatever can be read.

Eclipse Paths
Observable in the Region
Date Eclipse Type Image Notes
12 Feb. 634 CE Annular
1 June 634 CE Annular External Link to Eclipse Path shown on Google Maps (works intermittently)
19 Aug. 635 CE Total
Not observable in the Region
Date Eclipse Type Image Notes
26 Nov. 634 CE Annular External Link to Eclipse Path shown on Google Maps (works intermittently)
22 May 635 CE Total External Link to Eclipse Path shown on Google Maps (works intermittently)
15 Nov. 635 CE Annular External Link to Eclipse Path shown on Google Maps (works intermittently)
Online Versions and Further Reading
References

Eclipse Predictions by Fred Espenak and Chris O'Byrne (NASA's GSFC).

Javascript Solar eclipse Explorer

Celestial Sightings Summary

Author Sighting Timing Comments
Theophanes dokites in the direction of the south, foreboding the Arab conquest. It remained for thirty days, moving from south to north, and was sword-shaped same time as the earthquake
Anastasius Bibliothecarius a sign appeared in the southern sky, something known as docetes, announcing the coming of Arab rule. It remained for thirty days extending from south to north in the shape of a sword. approximately the same time as the earthquake
Michael the Syrian after the earthquake there was a sign in the sky; it appeared in the form of a sword stretching from south to north, and remained for thirty days. after the earthquake
Agapius of Menbij there appeared in the sky a sign, a column of fire, and it began moving from the east to the west and from the north to the south then disappeared also for thirty days the earth shook Hoyland translation

In this year there was a violent earthquake, and the sun was darkened ... footnote: The following four lines are illegible. A few words can be read, suggesting that they concern the death of Mohammed and the transmission of power to Abu Bekr. Cf. Elmacinus, 9-10, 15. - Vasilev translation

In year 3 of Abu-Bekr, there was a violent earthquake in Palestine; for thirty days the ground trembled Vasilev translation - no mention of celestial signs
translation dependent ?
Chronicle of Siirt There appeared in the sky something like a lance from south to north and then it extended from east to west, and it remained thus for 35 nights XCIV, 580 no earthquake mentioned
Cedrenus After Mohammed died, a comet appeared which lasted for 30 days extending from south to north, looking like a sword After the death of Mohammed
Bar Hebraeus In the same month of Elul [September], an earthquake took place. And a sign, like unto a spear, appeared in the heavens, and it remained there for 30 days. around the same time as the earthquake
Pseudo-Dionysius of Tell-Mahre The stars of the sky fell in such a way that they all shot like arrows toward the north. A.G. 937 (a number of years earlier than everybody else) no mention of earthquake
History of the Caliphs by as-Suyuti When the Messenger of Allah, may Allah bless him and grant him peace, died, Makkah was shaken with an earthquake

when Abu Bakr died, Makkah was shaken by an earthquake
no celestial sightings but there are two earthquake reports not repeated in as-Suyuti's earthquake catalogue - literary motif ?

Islamic Conquests

Muslim Invasion of Greater Syria Muslim Invasion of the Levant

Wikipedia


Background
Quick Summary of the Early Islamic Conquests

The Islamic Army of this time was known as the Rashudin Army; part of the Rashudin Caliphate. The Rashudin Caliphate ruled from the death of Muhammad in 632 CE until it was supplanted by the Umayyad Caliphate in 661 CE. The first Rashudin Caliph was Abu Bakr. He ruled for ~27 months from after Muhammad's death (8 June 632 CE) until his own death (23 August 634 CE).

From 632-633 CE, the Rashudin Caliphate fought and won the Ridda Wars, squashing internal opposition from rebellious Arabian tribes. In 633 and/or 634 CE, Abu Bakr sent four armies into Byzantine controlled Syria and Palestine. Each army had a different commander. Theophanes notes this when he states that the earthquake happened in the same year that "Abu Bakr sent out four generals". The battle in which Sergios died fighting the Rashudin Army was the Battle of Dathin.

Historiography
Invasion Summary from Donner (1981)

Donner (1981:111-112) provides a summary of the early Islamic conquests.

THE COURSE OF CONQUEST IN SYRIA

Well over a dozen discrete sets of accounts about the dispatch of the Islamic armies to Syria are preserved in the Arabic sources. The separate accounts communicate much contradictory information and are consequently impossible to reconcile in many respects. The contradictions are most evident in matters of relative chronology, reflecting the fact that the authorities who transmitted these traditional accounts were themselves relying on extremely fragmentary bits of information, coming from diverse sources, which each of them attempted to piece together to form a more or less coherent narrative.100 It is therefore hardly surprising to find that different authorities will sometimes describe the same episodes but in different sequences, or that at other times, when different sources of information have been consulted, there is considerable variety in the events mentioned by individual authorities.

It is, nevertheless, possible to reconstruct the broad outlines of the conquest of Syria by the Muslims, even if many details remain obscure. The conquest can be divided into three main phases. The first phase embraced all the early military campaigning in southern Syria from the departure of the first troops in A.H. 12/A.D. 633 until the arrival of a group of reinforcements from Iraq, commanded by one of the tactical geniuses of the early Islamic period, Khalid b. al-Walid of the B. Makhziim (Quraysh) . During this phase a few minor engagements occurred in southern Syria, mainly with local garrison forces, and reinforcements appear to have been sent north continually from Arabia to the Islamic armies, but no major confrontations with the Byzantines developed. It was a phase in which the Muslims came to dominate the open countryside of southern Syria, but in which the towns remained outside their control.

The second phase began with Khalid b. al-Walid's arrival in Syria in A. H. 13/A D. 634 and was one of concerted Byzantine resistance. During this phase, the Muslims began to extend their control in southern Syria from the tribal countryside to the important towns;101 selected towns were put to siege and occupied: Bostra (Busra), Gaza, Fahl (Pella), Baysan (Scythopolis), Damascus, and, briefly, Hims (Emesa) and Ba'labakk (Heliopolis). This process naturally elicited an increasingly strong reaction from the Byzantine authorities; the Byzantine emperor Heraclius, realizing that local Byzantine city garrisons were inadequate to repel the attacks, dispatched successive portions of the imperial army to combat the invaders. This in turn resulted in the main encounters between the Byzantine and Islamic armies, at Ajnadayn, Fahl, Marj al-Suffar, and the Yarmuk. These battles (about A. H. 13-15/A.D. 634-636) saw the decisive defeat of the Byzantine army in Syria, and, although many towns in southern Syria and all of northern Syria still remained outside the Muslims' control, the defeats suffered broke the ability of the Byzantines to offer organized resistance to the Muslims' advance.

The third phase of the conquest of Syria, extending from roughly A.H. 16/A.D. 637 until roughly A.H. 27/A.D. 647-648, was one of consolidation in the aftermath of the victories at the Yarmuk, Ajnadayn, and so forth. It involved the rapid conquest of the remaining countryside not under the Muslims' control, especially in northern Syria, and the piecemeal reduction of individual Syrian towns, which had been left alone to resist the advancing Muslims by the collapse of the Byzantine military presence in Syria. Among these towns were some in central Syria that may have been conquered once but had slipped out of the Muslims' control or been abandoned by them during the final Byzantine offensives of the second phase: Damascus (again?), Hims (again?), Ba'labakk (again?), Hama, Qinnasrin, Aleppo (Beroe), Jerusalem, Caesarea, Tyre, Sidon, Beirut, Antioch, and others. It was marked by the return to Iraq of at least some of the Iraqi reinforcements that had come to Syria after the first phase, accompanied perhaps by some who had never been to the Iraqi front, and also by the opening of offensives into Egypt and into the Jazira region lying between the upper reaches of the Euphrates and the Tigris. These are the general outlines of the Islamic conquest of Syria.
Footnotes

100. For a more detailed treatment of this problem, see Fred McGraw Donner, "The Arabic Sources for the Rise of Islam."

101. We can assume, of course, that many smaller communities in the Syrian deep south-Ayla, Ma'an, etc. were already under Islamic control.

Invasion Historiography and Details from Kennedy (2007)

Chronology Problems

Kennedy (2007:98) discussed chronological problems with dating the early Islamic conquests.

Immediately after Muhammad’s death, the caliph Abū Bakr sent another expedition to Syria, an expedition that marked the beginning of the real conquest of the country. The sequence of events becomes extremely confused at this point. We have a vast mass of traditions about major battles and minor engagements and about the capture of cities. But the truth is that there is no way of reconciling the different chronological schemes that were elaborated by different Muslim editors, and there are very few external sources to give us any sort of guidance. As the great Muslim historian Tabarī complained when he was collecting the conquest narratives, ‘in fact, one of the most annoying things about this study is the occurrence of such differences as the one I have noted above about the date of this battle. Such differences arose because some of these battles were so close together in time’.3 In the end, we can only be certain that campaigning began in earnest from 632 and that eight years later, in 640, all of Syria was under some sort of Muslim rule with the exception of the coastal city of Caesarea. The account that follows is based on the most generally accepted chronology, but it should be treated with considerable caution.
Footnotes

3. Tabarī, Ta’rīkh, I, p. 2156.

Invasion Details

Kennedy (2007:99-111) summarized the early conquests up to the Battle of Yarmouk.

The objective of these early expeditions was to assert the control of Medina over the Arab tribes on the fringes of the settled land. On the western borders of the fertile land of Iraq and along the edges of the Nile valley in Egypt, the border between the desert and the sown is a comparatively firm line between one ecological zone and another. In Syria the distinction is much less clear cut. Moving east from the well-watered Mediterranean coast, the landscape becomes gradually more arid. At the line of the 200mm isohyet (the line beyond which there is less than 200mm annual average rainfall) settled agriculture is impossible without oasis irrigation. West of the line is a zone that can be used as pasture by the Bedouin or by dry farming. Many Bedouin have also been parttime farmers, cultivating small fields of grain as well as pasturing their animals. The policy of securing the allegiance of the Syrian Bedouin to Islam led the Muslims inexorably into conflict with the Byzantine imperial authorities and their Arab allies. It was a very conscious and deliberate policy move by the caliph Abū Bakr and the rest of the Muslim leadership: all nomad Arabs were to pledge their allegiance to the Muslim state and those who did not do it voluntarily were to be coerced.

Abū Bakr is said to have dispatched four small armies to operate independently in the frontier zones to the east of the Dead Sea and the Jordan valley, attaching banners to the spears of the leaders as a sign of authority. His choice of commanders was to be very important in the history of the early Islamic state. One of them was Yazīd, the son of Abū Sufyān, who took with him his brother, Mu'āwiya. As we have seen, the family already had properties in Syria and knew the area well. Yazīd was to be one of the leading Muslim commanders in the conquest, and this enabled him and his brother to establish the power of their family in Syria. Yazīd died of the plague before the conquests were finally complete, but his brother Mu'cāwiya inherited his role. The power base he built up in Syria during and immediately after the conquests enabled him to establish himself as the first Umayyad caliph in 661 and rule the entire Muslim world from Damascus.

Another appointment with long-term consequences was that of Amr b. al-Ās, shrewd and cunning rather than a great warrior, the wily Odysseus of the early Islamic armies. His background as a merchant trading in Gaza had recommended him to the Prophet, who had chosen him to collect taxes from the tribes on the road from Medina to Syria. He chose to lead his men, said to have been about three thousand in number, many from Mecca and Medina,4 to the area with which he was already familiar. He travelled along the Red Sea coast as far as the head of the Gulf of Aqaba then turned west, camping with his men in the great sandy depression between Jordan and Israel known as the Wadi Araba. From there they climbed up the escarpment to the plateau of the Negev before heading for the sea at Gaza. Here Amr began negotiations with the local military commander, probably demanding money, and there is a tradition that the Byzantine governor attempted to capture or murder him as they were parleying. Finally, on 4 February 634,5 there was a battle in which Amr and his men defeated the small Byzantine army at a village called Dāthin, near Gaza, and killed its commander. The Arab victory made an immediate impression. News travelled fast, and we are told that a Jewish community near Caesarea openly rejoiced at the death of a Byzantine official and the humiliation of the imperial authority.6

The Muslim victory at Dāthin may have been on a fairly small scale but it alerted the Byzantine authorities to the new threat from the south. Overall command lay with the emperor Heraclius. He was around 60 years old at this time and was certainly no pampered denizen of the vast and luxurious palaces of Constantinople; rather, he was a man with a vast amount of military experience, well used to the hardships of campaign. He was also at the height of his powers and, even as the earliest Muslim raids on Syria began, had just celebrated a major triumph with the return of the True Cross to Jerusalem. Heraclius never led his armies against the Muslims in person (but neither did the Muslim caliphs lead the armies of Islam) but he remained behind the lines in Syria, in Homs or Antioch, directing operations, appointing generals and issuing instructions. The portrayal of Heraclius in the Arabic sources is very interesting.7 He is renowned for his shrewdness and wisdom and his ability to foresee the future. In one story, Abū Sufyān, the Meccan aristocrat, tells how he saw Heraclius when he was visiting Syria with a group of merchants. ‘We arrived there when Heraclius had just defeated the Persians and driven them out of his territory recapturing from them the great cross, which the Persians had stolen . . . Heraclius then left Homs, which was his headquarters and walked on foot . . . in order to pray in the Holy City. Carpets were spread for him and aromatic herbs were thrown on the carpets. When he reached Jerusalem, Heraclius prayed together with the Byzantine nobles.’8 He is shown here victorious but modest and pious.

In a number of anecdotes, Heraclius is said to have recognized the greatness of Muhammad and would have become a Muslim if the Byzantine nobles had not been so hostile to the idea. To the Arabs, he was the key, symbolic leader of the Byzantine resistance to the armies of Islam, the ancient enemy. He is shown to be proud and autocratic but he also goes through moments when he alone of his advisers and courtiers can see how strong the Muslims are and recognizes that they are bound to prevail. The image the Arab sources give of Heraclius is not entirely unsympathetic: he is a tragic figure whose failure to embrace Islam meant that his career ended in humiliation and failure

Up to this point, the Muslim attacks on Syria had amounted to little more than pinpricks along the frontier. The next phase of the conquest began with the arrival of Khālid b. al-Walīd and his men after the forced march across the desert from Iraq, where he had been raiding along the desert frontier. Khālid’s march across the Syrian desert, with perhaps five hundred of his troops, has been enshrined in history and legend:9 Arab sources marvelled at his endurance; modern scholars have seen him as a master of strategy.10 The story is often told of how he crossed six waterless days of desert by making some of his camels drink more than their fill, binding their jaws so that they could not chew their cud, then slaughtering them one by one so his men could drink the water from their stomachs. At another stage, when Khālid and his men were stumbling along, suffering from extreme thirst, he asked one of his men, Rāfi, who had been in the area before, whether he had any idea about water. Rāfi said that there was water near at hand: ‘Go on and look for two hummocks which look like two women’s breasts and then go to them.’ When they arrived he told them to search for a thorn bush like a man’s buttocks. They scrabbled around and found a root but no sign of a tree, but Rāfi told them that this was the place and they should dig there. Soon they uncovered damp ground and small quantities of sweet water. Rāfi, greatly relieved by the discovery, said to Khālid, ‘O Commander, by God, I have not come to this waterhole for thirty years. I have only been once before when I was a boy with my father.11 So, the account goes on, they prepared themselves and attacked the enemy, who could not believe that any army could cross the desert to them.

The trouble is that the accounts of this expedition, though vivid, are very confused. We can be certain that Khālid did cross the desert from Iraq to Syria some time in the spring or early summer of 634, that it was a memorable feat of military endurance and that his arrival in Syria was an important ingredient of the success of Muslim arms there. The problem is that some sources suggest that he went on the long southern route by Dūmat al-Jandal, while others are equally certain that he made the journey via Palmyra to the north. There are good arguments on each side and simply no knowing which version is correct.

The Arabic narratives give pride of place to Khālid as the commander who provided the most effective leadership, even after Umar had dismissed him from supreme command and replaced him with Abū Ubayda. It was Khālid who united the different Muslim armies on his arrival, it was Khālid who began the conquest of Damascus by opening the East Gate, and it was Khālid who devised the tactics that won the battle of Yarmūk. He then went on to take a leading role in the conquest of Homs and Chalkis (Ar. Qinnasrīn). His reputation as a great general has lasted through the generations and streets are named after him all over the Arab world. Despite his undoubted achievements, however, his reputation in the sources is mixed. He came from one of the most aristocratic families in Mecca and like many of people of his class he had been deeply suspicious of Muhammad with his preaching of social justice and simple monotheism. He had not been one of the early converts to Islam; indeed, he had been among the enemies of the Prophet, actually fighting against him at the battle of Uhud, but he converted to Islam soon after. Once converted he become staunchly Muslim and began to devote all his considerable military talents to the support of the new Muslim state. On Muhammad’s orders, he destroyed one of the most famous of the old idols, the image of the goddess al-Uzza at Nakhla near Mecca. He enjoyed the confidence of the first caliph Abū Bakr and was entrusted with commanding the armies against the rebel Arab tribes in the ridda wars. He won great victories but also gained a reputation for ruthless and sometimes over-hasty reactions: on one occasion he massacred a whole group of Muslims by mistake and compounded the offence by immediately marrying the widow of one of his victims.12 His later fame seems to have rankled with some early Muslims, notably the caliph Umar, who strongly believed that early commitment to Islam was essential for anyone who wished to be a leader, that late conversion did not suffice, and that a little humility would not go amiss. A story told of Khālid attempts to explain his life and rehabilitate him. In a dialogue with the Armenian general Jurjah immediately before the battle of Yarmūk, Khālid is made to justify his career and explain why he was popularly called the ‘Sword of God’.
God sent us his Prophet, who summoned us, but we avoided him and kept well away from him. Then some of us believed him and followed him, whereas others distanced themselves from him and called him a liar. I was among those who called him a liar, shunned him and fought him. Then God gripped our hearts and our forelocks, guiding us to him so that he followed him. The Prophet said to me ‘You are a sword among the swords of God which God has drawn against the polytheists’, and he prayed for victory for me. Thus I was named the Sword of God because I am now the most hostile of Muslims to the polytheists.
Khālid had been instructed by Abū Bakr to march as quickly as possible to aid the conquest of Syria, which had now reached a critical state. On Easter Day, 634 (24 April), he and his forces suddenly appeared and fell upon the Ghassānid Christian allies of the Byzantines, who were celebrating the festival amid the lush grass and spring flowers of the Meadow of Rāhit just north of Damascus.13 He then turned south to join up with the other Muslim commanders already operating in Syria, who now seem to have been united under his command to face the challenge posed by the Byzantine imperial armies. They began with an attack on the city of Bostra.14

Bostra lies just north of the modern Syrian-Jordanian border in a flat but fertile landscape strewn with the black basalt boulders characteristic of much of the area. To the north of the city, and clearly visible from its walls, rise the volcanic hills of the Hawrān. Though the mountains are rugged, if not especially high, they contain, like many volcanic areas, patches of extremely fertile soil. The hinterland of Bostra was the closest area to Arabia which could supply the wheat, oil and wine the Bedouin desired. The city had become rich as a trading entrepôt, and it was widely believed that the Prophet himself had visited it in his youth and had been instructed in the mysteries of the Christian faith there by the monk Bahira. Bostra was also a political centre. When the Roman emperor Trajan had annexed the Nabataean kingdom in 106 and turned it into the Roman province of Arabia, he had moved the capital from distant Petra in the south to the more accessible (accessible from Rome, that is) city of Bostra. Built of tough, unyielding black basalt, the ruins of the ancient city of Bostra are among the most impressive in the Near East. The huge Roman theatre there still survives almost intact, forming the centre of a later medieval fortress. Columns and paving stones indicate the routes of ancient streets, and there are the remains of baths and a number of important Christian churches, including a magnificent round cathedral.

It is not clear whether the Byzantines had re-established an imperial presence in the city after the departure of the Sasanians. The city seems to have put up little resistance, and towards the end of May 634 it made peace with the Muslims, the citizens agreeing to pay an annual tax. It was the first major Syrian city to be taken by the invaders.

After the surrender of Bostra, the Muslim force marched west to meet up with Amr b. al-Ās. Amr, after his first victory at Dāthin, was now confronted by a large Byzantine force which had gathered south-west of Jerusalem on the road to Gaza. Khālid and the others crossed the Jordan valley without apparently encountering any resistance and met up with Amr and his men. The combined Muslim army is said in one source to have been about twenty thousand strong and was under the command of Amr, who is the only Arab general named in the sources, where his image is consistently one of shrewdness and intelligence. He is described spying out the enemy camp in person or sending agents to do so, while the Byzantine general writes to him as someone equal to himself in cunning.15 The armies met at a place the Muslim authors called Ajnādayn, and a major battle developed. We have no detailed information about the nature of the conflict but it is clear that the Byzantines were defeated and that the remnants of their army withdrew to Jerusalem and other fortified sites. News of the victory of the Muslims spread far and wide, and it seems to be the battle referred to in the Frankish chronicle of Fredegar composed some twenty years later in France. He includes the interesting, and possibly true, detail that ‘the Saracens’ (the Muslims) offered to sell back to Heraclius the booty they had just taken from his defeated men but that the emperor refused to pay for any of these stolen goods.16

The contemporary Armenian chronicler Sebeos tells how the Byzantine forces were ordered by the emperor to remain on the defensive.17 Instead, they left their camps by the river and took refuge in the city of Pella, on the east bank of the river. Pella was a prosperous city in the fertile lands of the Jordan valley and an easily defended acropolis rose above the classical streets and porticoes on the valley floor. Here they were attacked again. As usual, the course of battle is not entirely clear but some features seem to have been remembered. The Byzantine troops had crossed the Jordan valley from Scythopolis on the west bank and, in order to delay the pursuing Muslims, had cut some of the irrigation ditches, allowing the water to spill out and the flat lands of the valley bottom to become an ocean of mud.18 The Muslims charged on, not knowing what the Byzantines had done, and many of their horses became stuck in the mire, ‘but then God delivered them’. In the end, it was the Byzantines who were trapped in the mire and many were massacred.

The remnants of the Byzantine forces now withdrew to Damascus. The Muslims pursued them. The siege of Damascus became one of the set pieces of the conquest of Syria. To a remarkable extent we can retrace the progress of the siege because of the detailed descriptions of the sources and the preservation of the fabric of the city. The walls of old Damascus, Roman or earlier in origin and continuously restored since, are still largely intact. Only at the western end where the city expanded in Ottoman times is the old circuit breached. All except one of the ancient gates survive and they bear the same names today as they do in the early Arabic sources: it is an astonishing example of the continuity of urban geography and architecture through almost fourteen centuries. We are told that Khālid b. al-Walīd was stationed at the East Gate (Bāb Sharqī), Amr b. al-Ās at St Thomas’s Gate (Bāb Tūma), Abū Ubayda at the now demolished Jābiya Gate on the west side and Yazīd b. Abī Sufyān at the Little Gate and Kaysān Gate on the south side.

The Muslims also took the precaution of stationing a force on the road north of Damascus. This proved a wise move because Heraclius, who is said to have been in Homs at this time, sent a force of cavalry to try to relieve the siege but they were intercepted and never made it.19 Just how long the siege lasted is not clear. Disconcertingly, the Arabic sources give widely differing estimates, anything from four to fourteen months. The Muslims do not seem to have had any siege engines, or any equipment more sophisticated than ropes and ladders, and even the ladders had to be borrowed from a neighbouring monastery.20 It seems that all the attackers could do against the substantial Roman walls of the city was to mount a blockade and hope that famine, boredom or internal disputes would cause the defenders to give up. When it became clear that no relieving force was going to appear, the defenders of the city began to despair. According to one account, the end came when a child was born to the patrikios (Byzantine commander) in charge and he allowed his men to relax and eat and drink to celebrate. Khālid b. al-Walīd, who was always on the lookout for opportunities and knew exactly what was going on in the city, decided to take advantage. He had ropes and ladders with him. Some of his men approached the gate using inflated animal skins to cross the moat. They threw their ropes around the battlements and hauled themselves up, bringing the ropes up after them so that they would not be seen. Then, at a given signal, with the cry of ‘Allhu akbar’ (God is great) they rushed the gate, killing the gatekeepers and anyone else who resisted.

Meanwhile, at the other end of the town, the Damascenes had begun opening negotiations for a peaceful surrender and Muslim troops began to enter the city from the west. The two groups, Khālid’s men from the east and the others from the west, met in the city centre in the old markets and began to negotiate. Terms were made, leaving the inhabitants in peace in exchange for tribute. Properties belonging to the imperial fisc were confiscated for the benefit of all Muslims, becoming part of the fay (the communal wealth of the Muslim community).21 As usual there was booty to be divided up and the commanders were careful to keep a share for those who had been stationed on the road north, for though they had played no direct part in the siege their presence had contributed to the victory and they had earned their booty. The complicated stories which evolved of the taking of Damascus, from two different ends in two different ways, may be an attempt to solve the thorny issue of whether the city was taken by force or by treaty (see above, pp. 18-20). In this case the authorities seem to have tried to reach a compromise that allowed it to be neither one thing nor the other.

The accounts of the fall of Damascus also reflect divided loyalties among the population. The city was a centre of imperial power with a military governor appointed by the emperor himself, but many if not most of the inhabitants were Christian Arabs. It is evident that many of them had split allegiances and that they felt closer to the Arabs outside the walls than they did to the Greeks and Armenians who composed a large part of the garrison. Whatever the explanation, it is clear that Damascus was spared the horrors of bombardment and sack. In the century that followed, the city became the capital of the whole Muslim world and entered what came to be its golden age.

Around the time of the fall of Damascus, and as usual the chronology is very uncertain here, the elderly Abū Bakr, the successor of Muhammad and first caliph of Islam, died in Medina. We know that his death occurred in July 634. What is less clear is what stage this was in the story of the conquest, but there are a number of reports that news reached the Muslim armies in Syria during the course of the siege. The new caliph was the austere and formidable Umar, who is portrayed in many accounts as the mastermind behind the conquests. There was no opposition to his succession among the forces in Syria but the new caliph had clear ideas about command. As we have seen, Umar disliked Khālid b. al-Walīd intensely. The fact that Khālid had fought so brilliantly for the Muslim cause against the ridda in eastern Arabia and again in Iraq and Syria did little to improve his standing with the new caliph. He now abruptly ordered that Khālid be removed from command and return to Medina. In one account, Abū Ubayda, now appointed as supreme commander in Khālid’s place, was ordered to demand that Khālid should confess to being a liar. If he refused, as he was bound to do, his turban should be pulled off his head and half his property confiscated. Faced with this ultimatum the great general asked for time to consult, not as might be imagined with his friends or subordinates, but with his sister. She was clear that Umar hated her brother and if he admitted to being a liar he would be removed all the same. There was no point in trying to placate the caliph by admitting to crimes he did not believe he had committed.

In an interesting reflection on the power of the caliph and the unity of the Muslims, Khālid felt that he had no choice but to go to Medina. A Byzantine general in that position might well have raised a rebellion and called on his troops to support him in a bid for the throne. By contrast, the greatest general of the Muslim army meekly accepted dismissal and humiliation. When he arrived at Medina, Umar pursued his vendetta. Whenever he met Khālid he would taunt him: ‘Khālid, take the property of the Muslims out from under your arse!’, to which Khālid would meekly reply that he did not have any of the ‘Muslims’ property’. In the end a settlement was reached, with Khālid paying over most of his fortune so that he was left only with military equipment (cuddat) and slaves (raqīq). He was soon back in Syria, playing a major role in the battle of the Yarmūk and the subsequent conquests of Homs and Chalkis, where he finally settled. In the end Umar is said to have recognized that he had maligned the ‘Sword of God’ and that Abū Bakr, who supported Khālid, had been a better judge of men.22 The great general died peacefully in 642, a brilliant, ruthless military commander, but one with whom the more pious Muslims could never feel entirely comfortable.

Meanwhile, the emperor Heraclius was preparing one more major effort to drive the Muslim invaders out of Syria. After the fall of Damascus he had retreated to Antioch in the north of Syria, the traditional capital of the entire area. Here he set about directing what was to prove his last campaign. The Byzantines assembled all the troops they could recruit. Arab sources give very large numbers, over 100,000,23 but comparisons with other Byzantine armies of the period make it clear that this is a huge exaggeration, with numbers between 15,000 and 20,000 being more probable. The armies comprised a very diverse collection of men. There were Byzantine Greeks under the command of Theodore Trithurios, a large contingent of Armenians under Jurjah and the local Christian Arabs led by the king of the Ghassānids, traditional allies of the Byzantines, Jabala b. Ayham. The overall commander was an Armenian called Vahān. The different contingents would have spoken different languages - Greek, Armenian and Arabic - and they may have found it difficult to communicate with each other. There were also profound religious and cultural differences. The Greeks and Armenians would have come from settled, probably rural village backgrounds and were used to living and fighting in upland, mountain terrain. The Arabs, on the other hand, were nomads, used to the mobile traditions of desert warfare. All the troops came from Christian backgrounds but both Armenians and Christian Arabs were regarded as heretics by the orthodox Byzantines. How far these divisions really affected the performance of the Byzantine army is not clear, but the sources are awash with rumours of disaffection, of Jurjah converting to Islam at the hand of Khālid b. al-Walīd on the eve of battle and of the Christian Arabs going over to the Muslim side in the course of battle. The Arab sources also talk of the Byzantine soldiers being chained together so that they could not flee, but this is a story found in many accounts of the conquests, used to contrast the free and motivated Muslims with the serf-like soldiers of their enemies: there is no real evidence for such an impractical idea being put into effect, though it may be a distant reflection of the practice of infantry locking shields together to make a protective wall.24

The Byzantine forces probably assembled in Homs and marched south through the Biqa valley, past Baaalbak with its great pagan temples - now almost empty of worshippers but still magnificent in their decay - and so to Damascus. In anticipation of the arrival of this force, the Arabs seem to have withdrawn from the city, allowing Byzantine forces to reoccupy it unopposed. We have no information on how they found the town but there are reports of tension between the Byzantine generals demanding supplies for their men, as was the usual Byzantine practice, and the local financial administrator, the Arab Mansūr, who maintained that the city did not have sufficient resources to feed them. Certainly the army did not use Damascus as a base but moved on south.

The Byzantine army assembled at Jābiya in the Golan Heights. This was the traditional summer pasture of the Ghassānids. According to the most probable reconstruction, it was now August 636 and the Golan would have provided much-needed food, water and pasture for the army. Meanwhile the Muslim forces prepared to oppose the Byzantines and hold on to their newly won gains. Their army also assembled in the Golan area, to the south-east of the Byzantines. The different Muslim armies had now come together under the command of Abū Ubayda, or possibly Khālid b. al-Walīd. Yazīd b. Abī Sufyān and Amr b. al-Ās both led contingents. According to Muslim sources, the Arab army numbered about 24,000. In view of the downward revision of the numbers on the Byzantine side, it is possible that the two armies were not very different in size.

The battle that ensued between the Christian and Muslim armies is generally known as the battle of Yarmūk and conventionally dated to the summer of 636.25 The battle of Yarmūk is, along with the battle of Qādisiya in Iraq, one of the major conflicts that has come to symbolize the Muslim victories in the Fertile Crescent. As with Qādisiya, the Arab accounts are extensive and confused and it is difficult to be clear about exactly what happened. There is no contemporary or reliable account from the Byzantine point of view. Both sides are said by the Muslim sources to have been inspired by religious zeal. As the Byzantines remained in their fortified camp, preparing for battle, ‘the priests, deacons and monks urged them on lamenting the fate of Christianity26 On the other side, Khālid b. al-Walīd addressed his men: ‘This is one of God’s battles. There should be neither pride nor wrongdoing in it. Strive sincerely, seeking God in your work, for this day also has what lies beyond it [i.e. the afterlife]’, and he went on to urge them to stick together and fight in unison.27

The River Yarmūk, a perennial watercourse, flows down from the plateau of the Hawrān to the Jordan valley, just south of the Sea of Galilee. In the course of its descent into the rift valley, it has gouged out a steep gorge, with high cliffs on each side. On the north side, it is joined by a number of smaller valleys, notably the Wadi al-Ruqqād. These steep ravines were to define the course of the battle and may have proved disastrous to the defeated when they attempted to flee from the scene. The actual site of the battle, between the Yarmūk gorge in the south and the Golan in the north, is a land of rolling, rocky hills, dotted with villages and farms. It was, in fact, good open country for cavalry manoeuvres, but it also provided some cover from rocks or trees for men to hide or set up an ambush. Since 1948 this site has been politically very sensitive, lying as it does on the border between Syria (north of the river), Jordan (south of the river) and the Israeli-occupied Golan. This has made access to the battlefield very difficult for historians. It was not always thus, however. Before the First World War, when the entire area was part of the Ottoman Empire, the battlefield was visited by the great Italian orientalist Leone Caetani, Prince of Sermoneta. He used his first-hand observations and knowledge of the Arabic sources to produce a geographical setting for the battle, which has formed the basis of the most plausible modern accounts.28

The battle of Yarmūk was a series of conflicts that probably lasted more than a month and culminated in a major battle towards the end of August.29 The first encounters took place in the Jābiya region, after which the Muslims retreated east towards Darca. There followed a period of waiting and skirmishing as the Byzantines prepared their army and tried to sow divisions in the Muslim ranks. It seems that the real fighting began when the Muslims feigned a retreat from their positions and lured elements of the Byzantine army into rough terrain, where they were ambushed. During the Muslim counter-attack, the Byzantine cavalry became separated from the infantry, enabling the Muslim cavalry to inflict great slaughter on the foot soldiers while the cavalry were making their way through the Muslim ranks.30 Khālid b. al-Walīd is said to have organized the Muslim cavalry in a ‘battle order which the Arabs had not used before’. He divided the cavalry into small squadrons (kards), between thirty-six and forty in number, apparently so that they would appear more numerous in the eyes of the enemy.31 The Byzantines may also have been unsettled by a dust storm. The main Byzantine force was now driven west and hemmed in between the rugged valleys of the Wadi’l-Ruqqād and Wadi’l 'Allān, with the cliffs of the Yarmūk gorge behind them. Any prospect of retreat to the west was destroyed when Khālid b. al-Walīd took the old Roman bridge across the Wadi al-Ruqqād, and Muslim forces went on to storm the Byzantine camp at Yāqūsa on the road to the Sea of Galilee. As the enemy pressed home their advantage, the Byzantine forces were further demoralized by rumours that the Christian Arabs had defected to the Muslims. Morale broke and the Byzantine forces lost all cohesion. There are reports of exhausted and dejected soldiers sitting down, wrapped in their mantles, lamenting the fact that they had not been able to defend Christianity and waiting for death.32 Others were driven down the cliffs into the wadis. The Muslims took very few prisoners.

Footnotes

4 Donner, Early Islamic Conquests, p. 119.

5 For this chronology, based on The Chronicle of 724 see Donner, Early Islamic Conquests, p. 126; Balādhurī, Futūh, p. 109.

6 ‘Doctrina Jacobi Nuper Baptizati’, ed. with French trans. V. Déroche in Travaux et Mémoires (Collège de France, Centre de recherche d’histoire et civilisation de Byzance) 11 (1991): 47-273, cap. V, 16 (pp. 208-9).

7 See N. M. El Cheikh, Byzantium Viewed by the Arabs (Cambridge, MA, 2004), pp. 39-54.

8 Tabarī, Ta’rīkh, I, pp. 1561-2.

9 Tabarī, Ta’rīkh, I, pp. 2108-25, Balādhurī, Futūh, pp. 110-12; Ibn Ath cam al-Kūfī, Kitab al-Futūh , ed. S. A. Bukhari, 7 vols. (Hyderabad, 1974), vol. I, pp. 132-42; al-Ya‘qūbī, Ta’rīkh, ed. M. Houtsma, 2 vols. (Leiden, 1883), vol. II, pp. 133-4.

10 See Donner, Early Islamic Conquests, pp. 119-27 for the best discussion.
11 Tabarī, Ta’rīkh, I, pp. 2113-14.

12 P. Crone, ‘Khālid b. al-Walīd’, Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd edn.

13 Tabarī, Ta’rīkh, I, pp. 2097, 2114-15; Balādhurī, Futūh, p. 112.

14 This account is based on the chronology worked out by Ibn Ishāq and al-Wāqidi, two important eighth-century authorities, and described in Donner, Early Islamic Conquests, pp. 128-34. For alternative chronologies, see ibid., pp. 134-9 (Sayf b. Umar) and pp. 139-420.

15 Tabarī, Ta’rīkh, I, pp. 2398-401.

16 Fredegar, The Fourth Book of the Chronicle of Fredegar with its Continuations, trans. J. M. Wallace-Hadrill (London, 1960), p. 55.

17 Sebeos, The Armenian History, trans. R. W. Thomson, with notes by J. Howard-Johnston and T. Greenwood, 2 vols. (Liverpool, 1999), I, p. 97.

18 Tabarī, Ta’rīkh, I, pp. 2145-6, 2157.

19 Tabarī, Ta’rīkh, I, p. 2152.

20 Balādhurī, Futūh, p. 121.

21 Tabarī, Ta’rīkh, I, p. 2154.

22 Tabarī, Ta’rīkh, I, p. 2393.

23 See, for example, Tabarī, Ta’rīkh, I, p. 2099.

24 W. E. Kaegi, Byzantium and the Early Islamic Conquests (Cambridge, 1992), p. 127.

25 Donner, Early Islamic Conquests, p. 133. Kaegi, Byzantium, p. 121, has the climax of the battle on 20 August without citing any sources.

26 Tabarī, Ta’rīkh, I, p. 2091.

27 Tabarī, Ta’rīkh, I, pp. 2091-2.

28 See L. Caetani, Annali dell’Islam (Milan, 1905-26), III, pp. 491-613, and the discussion in Kaegi, Byzantium, pp. 122-3, esp. n. 23.

29 The account that follows is based on Kaegi, Byzantium, pp. 119-22 and the map on p. 113.

30 Tabarī, Ta’rīkh, I, p. 2099.

31 Tabarī, Ta’rīkh, I, p. 2092.

32 Tabarī, Ta’rīkh, I, p. 2100.

Invasion Details from Donner (1981)

Donner (1981:112-130) provides more details of the early Islamic conquests.

PHASE 1: THE INVASION OF SYRIA

The great military campaigns into Syria that resulted in the definitive conquest of this much-desired area were initiated by Abu Bakr upon the completion of the Islamic conquest of Arabia.
...
the invasion itself begins with the dispatch of several sizable armies by Abu Bakr. This event is traditionally dated to the beginning of A. H. 13, but there is good reason to believe that it actually occurred in the autumn of A.D. 633/Rajab, A.H. 12.102
...
we must view with skepticism the too precise details of "eyewitnesses" who provide for us verbatim the supposed words of advice delivered to Abu Bakr by various individuals.103
...
Most sources agree that four commanders took a leading part in the initial invasion and in the campaigning of the first phase-'Amr b. al-'As, Yazid b. Abi Sufyan (replacing Khalid b. Sa'id), Shurahbil b. Hasana, and Abu 'Ubayda b. al-Jarrah. What cannot be determined from the traditional accounts is which of these commanders was dispatched first, and which ones went later as independent commanders or as reinforcements for one of the forces sent out earlier. On such questions of timing and interrelationship, the early authorities are in sharp conflict: thus al-Mada'ini states that Yazid's army was the first to depart, followed after a few days by Shurahbil and then by Abu 'Ubayda, and that 'Amr b. al-'As was sent last as a reinforcement to the other three;115 al-Waqidi, on the other hand, states that 'Amr b. al-'As was the first to depart, followed by Shurahbil and Yazid,116 and makes no mention whatsoever of a force under Abu 'Ubayda at this time.117 Other sources give even less consistent information.118 As the divergent accounts of various authorities cannot be harmonized, and as there is no particular reason to favor the relative chronology of any one authority over those of others,119 it is necessary to conclude simply that the four commanders were sent out, probably at roughly the same time, but in an order that cannot be determined
...
There is considerably more agreement among the sources, however, over the general direction in which the four commanders marched. 'Amr b. al-'As, according to most accounts, was directed toward Palestine. This was an area with which he was familiar from his commercial travels before the rise of Islam.123 He seems to have proceeded from Medina along the coastal caravan route known as the Mu'riqa road as far as Ayla, at the head of the Gulf of 'Aqaba.124 Ultimately he passed across the Negev (or perhaps even into the Sinai)125 and reached the villages of Dathin and Badan in the vicinity of Gaza, where he held negotiations with the military commander (bitriq, patricius) of Gaza. When the negotiations broke down, the Muslims became engaged in a skirmish with local forces in which the Muslims were victorious.126 'Amr's forces camped at a place called Ghamr al-'Arabat during this early campaigning;127 it was located in the middle of the Wadi 'Araba, between the Dead Sea and the Gulf of 'Aqaba.

The other commanders were dispatched to Syria, that is, to areas east of the Wadi 'Araba and the Jordan valley. Ibn Ishaq states that Yazid b. Abi Sufyan, Shurahbil b. Hasana, and Abu 'Ubayda marched via the Tabuk road toward the Balqa' district.128 Shurahbil had been in al-Yamama, in eastern Arabia, with Khalid b. al-Walid during the ridda wars and upon his return to Medina was sent out toward Syria by Abu Bakr;129 al-Mada'ini and al-Waqidi claim that he was sent to Jordan (that is, to the region south of the Balqa' and east of Wadi 'Araba).130 Sayfs authorities, on the other hand, state that he was appointed to al-Walid b. 'Uqba's former governorship over the outlying Quda'a tribes.131 This may be consistent with the opinion of al-Mada'ini and al-Waqidi if we assume that the tribes al-Walid b. 'Uqba had governed/resided in southern Jordan. Nothing more is heard of Shurahbil's activities during the first phase of the conquests, however, so it is impossible to verify his whereabouts.

Yazid b. Abi Sufyan appears to have been sent to the region of the Balqa', east and northeast of the Dead Sea.132 His route thither is not specified. At some point - whether on the way to the Balqa' or after he had reached it - he is reported to have sent a column of Muslims, commanded by Abu Umama al-Sudayya b. 'Ajlan al-Bahili, to a place called 'Araba in Palestine in order to break up a force of 5,000 Byzantine troops commanded by a certain Sergius, who appears to have come from Caesarea. In the resulting skirmish, Abii Umama's detachment was victorious and, according to Abu Mikhnaf, Abu Umama pursued the Byzantines to a place called al-Dabiya or al-Dubbiya where he again defeated them.133 The episode is rather obscure and seems to have been of minor importance.

As for Abu 'Ubayda, he was active in the Golan region to the east of Lake Tiberias and south of Damascus.134 It may have been during this first phase of campaigning that Abu 'Ubayda fought the inhabitants of a place in the Balqa' called Ma'ab, which then capitulated in return for a treaty with the Muslims.135

In sum, the great mass of textual material dealing with the first phase of the conquest in Syria reduces itself to a few very general facts. The activities of Khalid b. Sa'id cannot be ascertained, but we can feel certain that after Khalid b. Sa'id's appointment and dismissal as commander, four main commanders were active in Syria: 'Amr b. al-'As in southern Palestine, Shurahbil b. Hasana in Jordan, Yazid b. Abi Sufyan in the Balqa', and Abu 'Ubayda in the Golan. Which of them was in overall command, if any was at this stage, cannot be determined. 'Amr became engaged in some small skirmishes around Gaza, Yazid's forces, in some around 'Araba in Palestine, and Abu 'Ubayda, in some around Ma'ab in the Balqa'. At some point, furthermore, 'Amr b. al-'As took up a position at Ghamr al-'Arabat. But the relative chronology of the departure and campaigning of these commanders remains completely outside our grasp, and the general picture of the campaigning in the first phase of the conquests is a very spare one indeed.
...
there is a general consensus among the various authorities that the Islamic armies in Syria were dispatched from Medina in the first months of the year A.H. 13/early spring of A.D. 634.177
...
a passage in an anonymous Syriac chronicle of A.D. 724 that dates the first clash of the Muslims' armies with the Byzantines near Gaza to February of the year 945 of the Seleucid era,181 that is to February, A. D. 634/Dhu l-Qa'da, A.H. 12. This, too, at once requires that the departure of Islamic armies for Syria be set back several months. It is therefore plausible to conclude that these forces left Medina for Syria in the autumn of A.D. 633, first clashed with the Byzantines near Gaza in February of 634, demanded reinforcements from Abu Bakr shortly thereafter, and were reinforced by Khalid, who left Iraq in early April and reached the environs of Damascus at Easter, April 24, A.D. 634.182
...
After completing the conquest of Bostra, the commanders marched together toward Palestine, where they joined 'Amr b. al-'As, who was facing a large concentration of Byzantine troops commanded by "alQubuqlar" (cubicularius, chamberlain) at a place called Ajnadayn, described as lying between Ramla and Bayt Jibrin. The location has been identified by modern researchers with the ancient Yarmuth near Wadi al-Simt, twenty-five kilometers west-southwest of Jerusalem.189 The Byzantines reportedly sent out a bedouin of the B. Quda'a, probably a Christian, to serve as a spy on the Muslims - a perfectly plausible happening, even if the tale of his findings and his report to the Byzantine commanders is filled with legendary or imaginative devices designed to make it a better story. The battle at Ajnadayn - according to this reconstruction the first major one between the Muslims and a Byzantine army - was bitterly fought, and although the Byzantines were apparently routed and the Byzantine cubicularius himself reportedly killed, the Muslims' victory did not come easily, for several sources list the names of prominent early Muslims who fell as martyrs on the field of battle.190 The Muslims, who numbered about twenty thousand according to one source, were commanded by 'Amr b. al-' As, whereas the other generals active in Syria (Yazid b. Abi Sufyan, Shurahbil b Hasana, and Khalid b. al-Walid) were evidently present as subordinates.191 The battle took place, according to most accounts, on the 27th or 28th of Jumada I, A.H. 13/29 or 30 July, A.D. 634, according to others around 18 Jumada I, in Jumada II, or even in Dhu 'l-Qa'da of A.H. 13/January, A.D. 635. In any case but the last, it is generally supposed to have occurred during the last months of Abu Bakr's caliphate, and the news of the Muslims' victory is supposed to have reached him on his deathbed, in Jumada II, 13/ August 634.192
Footnotes

102. See Section 6 of this chapter on the chronology of the early campaigns.

103. E.g., Kufi I, 98; Ya'qubi II, 133; TMD I, 443ff. (I.I.).

115. Tab. i/2107-2108.

116. TMD I, 446. Other accounts of al-Waqidi simply list the three commanders without any indication of who proceeded first.

117. In this he is supported by one of WbM's accounts (TMD I, 453-454), by Bal. Put. 107-108, and by TMD I, 460 (Ya'qub b. Sufyan-h-Abu l-Yaman al-Hakam b. Nafi'-h-Safwan b. 'Amr 'Abd al-Rahman b. Jubayr).

118. Especially Kufi I, 98 and 103, who gives the four commanders as Abu 'Ubayda, Shurahbil b . Hasana, Yazid b. Abi' Sufyan, and Mu'adh b. Jabal. No early source mentions Mu'adh as a commander, but there is mention of him as a subordinate in Abu 'Ubayda's force some time later, after the conquest of Jerusalem (i.e., already in the third phase): TMD (Zah.) VII, fol. 381a (Abu Bakr b. 'Abdullah b. Miryam Salih. b. Abi Mukhariq). It therefore seems likely that he went to Syria, not as a commander, but as part of Abu 'Ubayda's army. Kufi 's omission of 'Amr b. al-'As may stem from the fact that 'Amr was sent to Palestine, whereas the other commanders were sent to areas east of the Jordan. Kufi mentions 'Amr's force later, considering it to have been a reinforcement for the armies sent out earlier - thus agreeing with al-Mada'ini. It is interesting that another later source, Abu Isma'il al-Azdi al-Basri's Futuh al-Sham, pp. 6-7, gives the same list of commanders as Kufi.

119. Most authorities, evidently themselves feeling unable to draw up a firm chronology from the data on the dispatch of the armies, simply state that Abu Bakr sent the four (or three) commanders to Syria, with no hint as to the sequence in which they marched: thus Ya'qubi II, 133; TMD I, 447 and 450 (Waq.); Bal. Fut. 107-108; Tab. i/2083-2084 (Sayf LT Sahl b. Yusuf LT al-Qasim b. Muhammad); Eutychius, Annales, 2, p. 9.

123. Ventures that took him to Egypt: Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, Futuh Misr. p. 53; TMD (Zah.) XIII, fol. 246b ('Abd al-Wahhab b. al-Hasan-ak-Abu Hawsa' ­ s - Abu l-Qasim b. Sami').

124. Tab. i/2078 and TMD I, 449, 449-450 (I.I); Tab. i/2085-2086 (Sayf LT Hisham b. 'Urwa); TMD I, 446 (Waq.); cf. Yaqut, s.v. "al-Mu'riqa"; Bal. Fut. 108.

125. Philip Mayerson, "The First Muslim Attacks on Southern Palestine (A.D. 633-634)."

126. Bal. Fut. 108; TMD I, 461-462 (WbM); TMD (Zah.) XIII, fol. 257b (Waq.). Cf. Eutychius, Annales, 2, pp. 10-11; he calls the village Tadun and places the negotiations after the arrival of a large Byzantine army there. See also the anonymous Chronicum Miscellaneum ad Annum Domini 724 Pertinens, in Ernest Walter Brooks, Chronica Minora, 2, p. 1 48, which describes an engagement between the Byzantines and tayyaye east of Gaza.

127. Tab. i/2107 (I.I); Tab. i/2107-2108 (Mad.); cf. De Goeje, Memoire, pp. 22-24.

128. Tab. i/2078; TMD I, 449; TMD I, 449-450; Khalifa I, 86. Cf. Tab. i/2107; TMD I, 457 (mentions Yazid only); Bal. Fut. 108 (I.I. ?).

129. Tab. i/2110-2113 (Sayf LT MTMA).

130. Tab. i/2107-2108 (Mad.); Bal. Fut. 108 (Waq.). The comment in Tab. that Abii Bakr assigned a district (kura) to each commander-Palestine to 'Amr and 'Alqama b. Mujazziz, Jordan to Shurahbil, Damascus to Yazid, and Hims to Abu 'Ubayda - seems to come from Sayf b. 'Umar (cf. TMD I, 545) and reflects the situation in Syria somewhat later, after the battle of the Yarmuk. Mad. adds that some authorities think Shurahbil was sent to Bostra.

131. Dahiya Quda'a, i.e., presumably the more southerly tribes of Quda'a? Tab. i/2084-2085 (Sayf LT Sahl, Mubashshir and AU LT KU).

132. Cf. note 128 for I.I.; Tab. i/2107-2108 (Mad.); Bal. Fut. 108 (Waq.) has him going to Damascus.

133. The locations of 'Araba and al-Dabiya have never been ascertained. Caetani, Annali 11/2, pp. 1161-1171, tallies up an assumed identification of al-Dabiya with al-Dathina near Gaza (following Noldeke), and an account stating that 'Amr b. al-'As reinforced Yazid, to conclude that Yazid, like 'Amr, was active in southern Palestine rather than in the Balqa' district. Though this reconstruction is plausible, it is far from certain. We cannot be sure that 'Araba was the Wadi 'Araba and not some other place in Palestine, nor that al-Dabiya was in fact al-Dathina. Even if the latter identification is correct, the account may be a fragment describing the battle near Gaza that AM or his sources erroneously included in his synthesis of the events of Yazid's campaign. Finally, there is nothing to suggest that the battle took place before Yazid's forces reached the Balqa'; the statement that 'Amr reinforced Yazld could very well have originated in the later joint operations at Ajnadayn, and it is in any case contradicted by another account claiming that in cases of joint operations, 'Amr was to be in charge of prayer for the whole army, i.e. he was to command: TMD I, 447 (Waq.). Our object is not to dispose of Caetani's reconstruction as false, but to show that, though plausible, it is no more plausible than many other possible reconstructions one might create with the available data. Sources for this episode: Bal. Fut. 109 (AM and others); Tab. i/2108 (qalu); Theophanes, Chronographia, 1, p. 336. Cf. De Goeje, Memoire, p. 34; Mayerson, "The First Muslim Attacks," pp. 161-166. Theophanes is the source of the statement that the four armies were guided into Syria by Christian Arabs disgruntled with the Byzantine authorities for cutting off their stipend payments.

134. I.I. has all forces going to the Balqa'; Waq. does not mention Abu 'Ubayda going out at all; Mad. (in Tab. i/2107-2108) has him in al-Jabiya, the old Ghassanid capital, as does Kufi I, 132; Kufi I, 125 has him near Damascus. Note that he is later reported to have gone from al-Jabiya to Jerusalem to pray: TMD (Zah.) VII, fol. 381a. Caetani, Annali 11/2, pp. 1171 -1173, argues that Abu 'Ubayda was not present at all during the first phase of the conquests in Syria, and only arrived with the battles of Ajnadayn and Yarmuk; in his opinion, his presence was extrapolated back by eighth-century chroniclers wishing to diminish the apparent role of 'Amr b. al-'As and Yazld b. Abi Sufyan in the conquests because of their close ties to Mu'awiya, the first Umayyad caliph. Anti-Umayyad propaganda did circulate, but this seems farfetched.

135. Bal. Fut. 113 places it after the conquest of Bostra, i.e., in Phase II; cf. Yaqut, s.v. "Ma'ab"; Tab. i/2108 (Mad.?) makes it the first treaty in Syria and states explicitly that "it was a camp (fustat), not a city (madina)."

177. Mad. places the actual departure of troops in the beginning of A.H. 13 (Tab. i/2079); Bal. Fut. 107-108 puts it at Safar, A.H. 13; I.I. states that Abu Bakr first sent out his call for troops upon his return from the pilgrimage of A.H. 12, i.e., during the last days of that year, so the departure of troops would have been some time into A.H. 13 (Tab. i/2079; Khalifa, I, 86; TMD I, 441, 449, 449-450).

181. In Brooks, Chronica Minora II, 148.

182. This chronology is developed with variations by Caetani, Annali 11/2, pp. 1213-1220; De Goeje, Memoire, pp. 39-41; and Musil, Arabia Deserta, p. 563. Musil and Caetani refine it by attempting to resolve some of the apparent contradictions: Musil by contending that Rabi' and Safar in the accounts refer not to the months so named in the lunar year, but to the seasons spring and autumn, and Caetani by contending that notices of Abu Bakr's pilgrimage refer not to the hajj, but to the 'umra or lesser pilgrimage, which he made in Rajah, A.H. 12/ September-October, A.D. 633.

189. De Goeje, Memoire, pp. 50-61; Caetani, Annali III, pp. 22-24; Taha al-Hashimi, "Ma'rakat Ajnadayn: mata waqa'at, wa ayna waqa'at?"

190. These are collected by Caetani, Annali III, pp. 74-81. Cf. also Appendix A below.

191. Abu 'Ubayda, however, is not mentioned at the battle. This reflects Waq.'s conviction that he was only appointed upon the accession of 'Umar, which Waq. places after Ajnadayn.

192. Ajnadayn: Tab. i/2125-2126 (I.I.); Khalifa I, 87 (I.I.); TMD, 447, I, 482- 483 (Waq.); TMD I, 483 (SbA and Ibn Jabir); Ya'qubi II, 134. Cf. Bal. Fut. 113- 114; TMD I, 481 (Abu l-Hasan b. al-Fadl-ak-'Abdullah b.Ja'far-ak-Ya'qub); TMD I, 497 (WbM-h-al-Shaykh al-Umawi); TMD I, 484 (IL LT Abii l-Aswad LT 'Urwa); Tab. i/2126. TMD I, 480 dates both Ajnadayn and Fahl to Dhu l-Qa'da A.H. 13. Kufi I, 142-145 gives a different account.

Online Versions and Further Reading

Archaeoseismic Evidence

Location (with hotlink) Status Intensity Notes
Qasr Tilah possible Haynes et al. (2006) examined paleoseismic and archeoseismic evidence related to damage to a late Byzantine—Early Umayyad birkeh (water reservoir) and aqueduct at Qasr Tilah and concluded that left lateral slip generated by several earthquakes cut through a corner of the reservoir and aqueduct creating displacement of the structures. They identified 4 seismic events which produced coseismic slip on the Wadi Arava fault and led to a lateral displacement of 2.2. +/- 0.5 m at the northwest corner of the reservoir (aka birkeh) and 1.6 +/- 0.4 m of the aqueduct. The first seismic event was dated to the 7th century. Haynes at al (2006) suggested it was caused by either the Sword in the Sky Quake (633/634 CE) or the Jordan Valley Quake of 659/660 AD - favoring the Jordan Valley Quake. There was a repair after this 7th century destruction indicating that the site was occupied when the earthquake struck. Because of the repair, it is unclear how much lateral slip was produced (or even if there was lateral slip ?). At some point the site was abandoned. Haynes et al (2006) noted that archeological evidence at the site indicates that it was abandoned and was not occupied past the Early Umayyad Period (661-700 CE). They also noted that
MacDonald (1992) [] collected some Byzantine and Umayyad surface potsherds at the site and documented ruins of Byzantine houses (village) along the fan surface of Wadi Tilah.
If the repair fixed a problem caused by lateral slip rather than generalized destructive shaking, the slip would indicate that part of the Araba fault broke during this event.
Petra - Introduction n/a n/a n/a
Petra - Petra Theater possible Jones (2021:3 Table 1) reports a second potential seismic destruction of the Theater in Phase VII noting that the Phase VII destruction of the Main Theatre is difficult to date, as the structure had gone out of use long before. Jones (2021:3 Table 1) suggested the late 6th century earthquake ( Inscription at Areopolis Quake) or the mid-8th century earthquake (e.g. earthquakes observed in the Qatar Trench in the South Araba by Klinger et al, 2015) as candidates.
Petra - Jabal Harun possible ≥ 6 Phase 6 destruction was dated to the 1st half of the 7th century CE by Mikkola et al (2008). Destruction was inferred based on rebuilding evidence in Phase 7. No unambiguous and clearly dated evidence of seismic damage was found. Mikkola et al (2008) also noted a change in liturgy in Phase 7 which could have also been at least partly responsible for the rebuild.
Petra - The Petra Church possible ≥ 8 Fiema et al (2001) characterized structural destruction of the church in Phase X as likely caused by an earthquake with a date that is not easy to determine. A very general terminus post quem of the early 7th century CE was provided. Destruction due to a second earthquake was identified in Phase XIIA which was dated from late Umayyad to early Ottoman. Taken together this suggests that the first earthquake struck in the 7th or 8th century CE and the second struck between the 8th and 16th or 17th century CE.
Bet Sh 'ean possible Tsafrir and Foerster (1997:143-144) dated a seismic destruction event to the 7th century CE. The event caused the destruction of Silvanus Hall; all the columns in the southwest part of the hall were found collapsed in the same direction, in a way that leaves no doubt about the cause of the destruction. They suggested it was likely that the same earthquake caused the collapse of the porticoes of the Byzantine agora, the portico of the sigma, and most probably the columns of Palladius Street.
Jerash - Introduction n/a n/a n/a
Jerash - Umayyad House possible Gawlikowski (1992:358) reports that the Umayyad house was built on level ground after an earthquake. Construction was well dated by the numismatic findings. Earthquake destruction is inferred based on rebuilding evidence.
Jerash - Macellum probable ≥ 8 Uscatescu and Marot (2000:283) dated seismic destruction of the Macellum to at the latest to the second quarter of the seventh century based on pottery and coins. The seismic destruction layer was found in a sealed and undisturbed context and is well-dated. Uscatescu and Marot (2000:281) report extensive destruction [] well evidenced by the fallen vaulted and tiled roofs and collapsed walls; a huge collapse that reaches a thickness of more than two and a half metres,and was composed by voussoirs, tiles, ashlars, architraves, column shafts, capitals and other architectonic elements.
Jerash - Temple of Zeus possible ≥ 8 Rasson and Seigne (1989) reported on excavations of a cistern at the Temple of Zeus. Two seismic destruction events were interpreted from the excavation - one in the 7th century CE and another in the 8th. The 1st seismic event was manifest in partial roof collapse. Ceramics beneath the collapse layer dated to the Umayyad period and suggested an earthquake Which struck in the middle of the 7th century CE. Gawlikowski (1992:358) reports further 7th century CE archaeoseismic evidence in a vaulted corridor of the lower terrace where a herd of goats was buried along with a kid goat. According to Gawlikowski (1992:358), the age of a kid indicates that the cataclysm took place in May-June and moreover a Byzantine currency with an Arab countermark indicating the beginning of Muslim government (Seigne, unpublished report of 1984, kindly communicated by the author). This would suggest that the 1st earthquake was the one of the Jordan Valley Quake(s).
Jerash - Hippodrome possible ≥ 8 Ostrasz and Kehrberg-Ostrasz (2020:4) report that the masonry of most of the building collapsed with only the carceres and the south-east part of the cavea surviving. Archaeological evidence seems to constrain the date of this earthquake to the 6th to 7th centuries CE.
Heshbon possible ≥ 8 Walker and LaBianca (2003:453-454) uncovered 7th century CE archeoseismic evidence which they attributed to the Jordan Valley Quake of 659/660 CE from an excavation of an Umayyad-period building in Field N of Tall Hesban. They report a badly broken hard packed yellowish clay floor which was pocketed in places by wall collapse and accompanied by crushed storage jars, basins, and cookware. Storage jars and basins and cookware were dated in the field to the transitional Byzantine-Umayyad period.
Tell es-Samak/Tel Shiqmona possible to unlikely ≥ 7 7th century CE Earthquake (?) - Barzilay (2012) interpreted flexed stone structures as a consequence of a 7th century CE earthquake and estimated a local site Intensity of VII or higher. Excavator Hagit Torge (personal communication, 2021) attributed the deformations to the active clay soil. Taxel (2013:79-80) also cast doubt on the possibility that the site was damaged by an earthquake leading to it's abandonment. The Deformation Map shows that the displaced walls are due to vertical uplift and suggest an expansive active soil as the cause. If an earthquake caused the chaotic deformation patterns shown in the map, the site would have to have been above the hypocenter of a powerful earthquake which seems unlikely. If this was the case, more extensive deformation and collapse would be expected form this site and nearby sites and the local Intensity would have been IX (9) or higher. Thus, I agree with Hagit Torge (personal communication, 2021) and Taxel (2013:79-80) that a seismic origin for the observed deformations is not likely.
Pella possible Blanke and Walmsley (2022) and Walmsley (2007) described extensive archaeoseismic evidence, some of which appears to be based on rebuilding evidence, for a 7th century CE earthquake at Pella. The Battle of Fahl (aka Pella) was fought near Pella around 634 or 635 CE.
Monastery of Euthymius possible ≥ 8 Hirschfeld (1993:354) inferred that the monastery was destroyed by a 7th century earthquake based on rebuilding evidence. Reconstruction was dated to the 2nd half of the 7th century apparently based on the early Muslim period style of construction. The Maronite Chronicle states that the Monastery of Euthymius was destroyed by an earthquake in A.G. 971 (660-661 CE) along with the dwellings of many monks and solitaries. See Textual Evidence section for more details.
Monastery of Khirbet es-Suyyagh possible ≥ 8 7th century CE Earthquake(s) - Taxel et al (2009) surmised that Phase IIA ended with an earthquake and established a terminus post quem of 629/630 CE for repairs to damaged parts of the monastery at the start of Phase IIB. This was based on a 629/630 CE coin found below the mosaic floor in the northern aisle of the church (Locus 387) attributed to Phase IIB. Another coin of Constans II (641-648 CE) was found in the fill that covered the corridor north of the main gate (Locus 281) however it was noted that this fill could also be related to the construction of the blocking wall of the corridor in Phase III. Pottery found below the fieldstone paving which abutted on the new (southern) storeroom in the external courtyard and to the repaired doorway of the subsidiary gate (Loci 181 and 183) was dated to the mid-late 7th century. Lack of fire evidence and evidence of archaeoseismic damage led Taxel et al (2009) to conclude that observed damage and repairs of damage was probably due to an earthquake(s) although destruction due to Persian and, later on, Muslim military activity could not be entirely ruled out.
Caesarea possible needs investigation
Khirbet al-Niʿana possible Taxel (2013:178-179) noted the following about archaeoseismic evidence in Khirbet al-Niʿana
Excavation of the western fringes of the inhabited area (the results of which were only preliminarily published) show no clear evidence for occupation after the mid-seventh century. According to the excavator (Torge, 2010)
The site was largely abandoned at the beginning of the Umayyad period and most of the masonry stones were plundered. The signs of destruction and burning may point to its destruction in the earthquake of 633 CE.
Unfortunately, however, the basis for this dating was not provided in the report.
Mount Nebo needs investigation
Ein Hanasiv possible ≥ 8 Karcz et. al. (1977) list archeoseismic evidence (oriented collapse, alignment of fallen masonry) in Ein Hanasiv in the 7th century AD based on Vitto (1975).
Giv’ati Junction possible ≥ 7 Baumgarten (2001) excavated a round pottery kiln at Giv'ati Junction dated to the 4th-7th century CE (Shmueli, 2013). Langgut et al (2015) report that four fired Late Roman Amphora (similar to those at Yavne) "were found inside the kiln’s collapsed firing chamber" covered by a thick layer of aeolian sand. Langgut et al (2015) noted that while "the excavator suggested that the kiln was destroyed during operation, possibly due to some technical fault, and was consequently abandoned (Baumgarten 2001)", Langgut et al (2015) believe an earthquake should also be considered as a cause of destruction.

Shmueli (2013) excavated Stratum III in a rectangular building (L109, L119) at Giv'ti Junction in 2011 where, on the floor, they found three Gaza jars which were set upside down (Fig. 4) and broken. A fourth jar was found upright but also broken. Based on numismatic finds, they dated the beginning of the settlement to the fourth or fifth century CE. Construction and use of the rectangular building was dated to the fifth to seventh centuries CE. In the seventh century the installation and building went out of use.
Ashdod-yam possible Post 600 CE Earthquake - Di Segni et al. (2022:439-440) reported on excavations of a Byzantine Church at Ashdod-Yam. The church was constructed in the late 4th or beginning of the 5th century CE, at the latest. They found that all uncovered parts of the complex yielded clear signs of destruction by fire, sealed by a burned layer of collapse, consisting of a large quantity of shattered roof tiles and wooden beams (Figs. 21-22). Numismatic evidence indicates that this destruction occurred around 600 CE, or perhaps slightly later. Prior to destruction, Di Segni et al. (2022:440) suggest that the church was abandoned in a planned manner. After the destruction, the church was subject to the systematic removal of usable stones and marble columns. A few possible traces of an earthquake that occurred after the abandonment and destruction of the church were also identified.
Avdat/Oboda possible ≥ 8 7th century Earthquake - A terminus post quem for a 7th century CE earthquake was established from the latest inscription found at the site in the Martyrion of St. Theodore (South Church) in 617 CE (Negev 1981: 37) (Erickson-Gini, 2014). Erickson-Gini (2014) noted that there was massive destruction evident throughout the site, and particularly along the western face of the site with its extensive caves and buildings (Korjenkov et al., 1996). Korzhenkov and Mazor (1999) uncovered extensive archeoseismic effects from the earthquake and estimated an Intensity of 9 - 10, posited that destruction was caused by a compressional seismic wave, and located the epicenter SSW of Avdat somewhere in central Negev. Discontinuous Deformation Analysis of the bulges in the Roman Tower of Avdat by Kamai and Hatzor (2005) leads to an Intensity Estimate of 8 - 10. A Ridge Effect is likely present at Avdat

Mizpe Shivta possible Erickson-Gini (personal correspondence, 2021) relates that this site in the Negev suffered seismic damage in the 7th century CE - sometime after 620 CE.
Mezad Yeruham possible Erickson-Gini (personal correspondence, 2021) relates that this site in the Negev suffered seismic damage in the 7th century CE - sometime after 620 CE.
Shivta possible ≥ 8 Late Byzantine Earthquake - Early 7th century CE ? - Erickson-Gini (2013) suggested that a revetment wall outside Room 123 was evidence of a Late Byzantine earthquake
Revetment walls present around the North Church and buttressing the western wall of Building 123 (Hirschfeld 2003 - see highlighted site plan above) are indications that some damage to the site took place in the Late Byzantine period, probably in the early seventh century CE when the neighboring site of ‘Avdat/Oboda was destroyed in a tremendous earthquake.
A site effect at Shivta is unlikely due to a hard carbonate bedrock. Korzhenkov and Mazor (1999a) estimate Intensity of 8 -9 with the epicenter a few tens of km. away and to the WSW
Rehovot ba Negev possible ≥ 8 "The Byzantine Shock" - 7th century CE - Korzhenkov and Mazor (2014) identified an earthquake which they beleive struck in the 7th century CE. Rehovot ba Negev appears to be built on weak ground. There is a probable site effect present as much but not all of Rehovot Ba Negev was built on weak ground (confirmed by A. Korzhenkov, personal communication, 2021). Korzhenkov and Mazor (2014) estimated an Intensity of 8-9 with an epicenter to ESE.
Saadon possible ≥ 7 Phase 2 Earthquake - mid-7th century CE - Erickson-Gini (2018) reports that The [Southwestern] church was heavily damaged and subsequently repaired in the mid-7th century CE and continued to be used for several years in the Umayyad period (mid-7th - 8th centuries CE). A `wine-press' hewn along the bedrock shelf on the northeast bank of Nahal Sa'adon was apparently broken by the same seismic event. Damage observations reveal that walls aligned in a WNW direction were damaged.
Nessana possible Erickson-Gini (personal correspondence, 2021) relates that Nessana suffered seismic damage in the 7th century CE - sometime after 620 CE.
Mamphis possible ≥ 8 The 2nd earthquake at Mampsis suffers from dating ambiguities and a chronological debate between Negev (1974:412, 1988) and Magness (2003). Considering all possibilities of this debate leads to a date between the 5th and 7th centuries CE. Korzhenkov and Mazor (2003) estimated an Intensity of 9 or more with an epicenter to the SW.
Haluza possible ≥ 8 Second earthquake. Korjenkov and and Mazor (2005) discussed chronology of the second earthquake.
The Early Arab – Second Ancient Earthquake

Negev (1976:92) suggested that a strong earthquake caused the final abandonment of Haluza. He summed up his observations at one of the excavated courtyards:
Voussoirs of the arches and extremely long roof slabs were discovered in the debris, just above the floor. It seems that either the destruction of the house occurred for a very short time after its abandonment or the house had to be abandoned because of its destruction by an earthquake.
Korjenkov and and Mazor (2005) noted that while the Sword in the Sky Quake of 634 CE destroyed Avdat 44 and ruined other ancient towns of the Negev 45, archeological data demonstrate that occupation of the [Haluza] continued until at least the first half of the 8th cent. A.D.46. This led them to conclude that one of the mid 8th century CE earthquakes was a more likely candidate. Unfortunately, it appears that we don't have a reliable terminus ante quem for the second earthquake. Korzhenkov and Mazor (1999a) estimated a minimum Intensity of 8-9 with an epicenter a few tens of kilometers away and an epicentral direction to the NE or SW - most likely to the NE
Aqaba/Eilat - Introduction n/a n/a n/a
Aqaba/Eilat - Aila possible 7 Thomas et al (2007) identified earthquake destruction (Earthquake IV) in a collapse layer which they suggested struck in the early to middle 7th century CE.
The pottery constrains the date of Earthquake IV to sometime between the seventh century and the mid seventh to eighth century. In this case, an early to middle seventh-century date would best fit the dating evidence.
Castellum of Qasr Bshir possible ≥ 8 Clark (1987) identified a tumble layer which could have been caused by an earthquake or gradual decay.
In H.1 a 0.25 m deposit of rock tumble and windblown loess (H.1:010 and 011) overlay the Early Byzantine I-II occupational deposits. This appears to represent a period of abandonment and of building collapse.
Clark (1987) found the tumble in the in Post Stratum III gap which he bracketed to between ca. 500 and 636 CE"
Location (with hotlink) Status Intensity Notes
Qasr Tilah



Petra - Introduction



Petra - Petra Theater



Petra - Jabal Harun



Petra - The Petra Church



Bet She'an



Jerash - Introduction



Jerash - Umayyad House



Jerash - Macellum



Jerash - Temple of Zeus



Jerash - Hippodrome



Heshbon



Tell es-Samak/Tel Shiqmona



Pella



Monastery of Euthymius



Monastery of Khirbet es-Suyyagh



Caesarea



Khirbet al-Niʿana



Mount Nebo



Ein Hanasiv



Giv’ati Junction



Ashdod-yam



Avdat



Mizpe Shivta



Mezad Yeruham



Shivta



Rehovot ba Negev



Saadon



Nessana



Mampsis



Haluza



Aqaba/Eilat - Introduction



Aqaba/Eilat - Aila



Castellum of Qasr Bshir



Tsunamogenic Evidence

Paleoseismic Evidence

Location (with hotlink) Status Intensity Notes
al-Harif Syria possible ≥ 7 Sbeinati et al (2010) state that Event Y, characterized from paleoseismology, appears to be older than A.D. 650–810 (unit d, trench A) and younger than A.D. 540–650 (unit d3 in trench C). The results of archaeoseismic investigations indicate that ages of CS-1 (A.D. 650–780) and tufa accumulation CS-3-3 (A.D. 639–883) postdate event Y. Combined together, this constrains Event Y to 540-780 CE.
Bet Zayda possible ≥ 7 Wechsler at al. (2014) may have seen evidence for this earthquake as Event CH3-E1 (Modeled Age 662-757 CE). Event CH2-E1, which struck next (Modeled Age 675-801 CE), appears to correlate with the Holy Desert Quake of the Sabbatical Year Earthquake sequence.
Dead Sea - Seismite Types n/a n/a n/a
Dead Sea - ICDP Core 5017-1 possible 7 Lu et al (2020) associated a turbidite in the core to a middle 8th century earthquake. CalBP is reported as 1248 ± 44 yr B.P. This works out to a date of 702 CE with a 1σ bound of 658 - 746 CE indicating that the Jordan Valley Quake, Sword in the Sky Quake, and the Sabbatical Year Quakes are all possibilities. Ages come from Kitagawa et al (2017). The deposit is described as a 16.5 cm. thick turbidite (MMD). Lu et al (2020) estimated local seismic intensity of VII which they converted to Peak Horizontal Ground Acceleration (PGA) of 0.18 g. Dr. Yin Lu (personal correspondence, 2021) relates that "this estimate was based on previous studies of turbidites around the world (thickness vs. MMI)" ( Moernaut et al (2014). The turbidite was identified in the depocenter composite core 5017-1 (Holes A-H).
Dead Sea - En Feshka probable 5.6-6.4 Kagan et. al. (2011) assigned a 634 AD date [648 AD ± 45 (±1σ) - 633 AD ± 95 (±2σ)] to a 1 cm . thick Type D [Folded laminae - i.e. Linear Wave (Type 1) of Wetzler et al (2010)] seismite at a depth of 172.0 cm..
Dead Sea - En Gedi possible 5.6-6.3 Migowski et. al. (2004) did not assign a date of 634 AD to any of the seismites in the En Gedi Core (DSEn) but did assign a 0.5 thick seismite at a depth of 1.99 m to a date of 660 AD.
Dead Sea - Nahal Ze 'elim no evidence At site ZA-2, Kagan et. al. (2011) did not assign any seismites to a date of ~634 AD. No seismites in her section have a modeled age which overlaps with a 634 AD date (± 1σ or ± 2σ).
Araba - Introduction n/a n/a n/a
Araba - Taybeh Trench possible ≥ 7 LeFevre et al. (2018) might have seen evidence for this earthquake in the Taybeh Trench (Event E3 - Modeled Age 551 AD ± 264).
Araba - Qatar Trench no evidence ≥ 7 The Sword in the Sky Quake is just outside the modeled ages for Events E4 (758 CE ± 87), E5 (758 CE ± 87), and E6 (251 CE ± 251) (Klinger et. al., 2015).
Location (with hotlink) Status Intensity Notes
al Harif, Syria - Displaced Aqueduct

Sbeinati et al (2010) state that Event Y, characterized from paleoseismology, appears to be older than A.D. 650–810 (unit d, trench A) and younger than A.D. 540–650 (unit d3 in trench C). The results of archaeoseismic investigations indicate that ages of CS-1 (A.D. 650–780) and tufa accumulation CS-3-3 (A.D. 639–883) postdate event Y. Combined together, this constrains Event Y to 540-780 CE.



Bet Zayda (aka Beteiha)

Wechsler at al. (2014) may have seen evidence for this earthquake as Event CH3-E1 (Modeled Age 662-757 CE). Event CH2-E1, which struck next (Modeled Age 675-801 CE), appears to correlate with the Holy Desert Quake of the Sabbatical Year Earthquake sequence.



Dead Sea - Seismite Types



Dead Sea - ICDP Core 5017-1

Lu et al (2020) associated a turbidite in the core to a middle 8th century earthquake. CalBP is reported as 1248 ± 44 yr B.P. This works out to a date of 702 CE with a 1σ bound of 658 - 746 CE indicating that the Jordan Valley Quake, Sword in the Sky Quake, and the Sabbatical Year Quakes are all possibilities. Ages come from Kitagawa et al (2017). The deposit is described as a 16.5 cm. thick turbidite (MMD). Lu et al (2020) estimated local seismic intensity of VII which they converted to Peak Horizontal Ground Acceleration (PGA) of 0.18 g. Dr. Yin Lu (personal correspondence, 2021) relates that "this estimate was based on previous studies of turbidites around the world (thickness vs. MMI)" ( Moernaut et al (2014). The turbidite was identified in the depocenter composite core 5017-1 (Holes A-H).

See the following from Lu et al (2020b) regarding estimating intensity from turbidites:

Previous studies have revealed that the intensity threshold for triggering historic turbidites are variable in different regions and range from MMI V½ to VII½ (Howarth et al., 2014; Moernaut, 2020; Van Daele et al., 2015; Wilhelm et al., 2016). The intensity threshold constrained from the Dead Sea data (≥VI½) is situated in the middle of this range.

Previous studies in Chilean lakes have indicated that the (cumulative) thickness of historic turbidites across multiple cores correlates with seismic intensity, and can thus be used to infer paleo-intensities in this setting (Moernaut et al., 2014). However, in the case of the Dead Sea core 5017-1, there is a random relationship (a correlation factor of 0.04) between the thickness of prehistoric turbidites and seismic intensity (Figure 5a).


Dead Sea - En Feshka

Kagan et. al. (2011) assigned a 634 AD date [648 AD ± 45 (±1σ) - 633 AD ± 95 (±2σ)] to a 1 cm . thick Type D [Folded laminae - i.e. Linear Wave (Type 1) of Wetzler et al (2010)] seismite at a depth of 172.0 cm..



Dead Sea - En Gedi

Migowski et. al. (2004) did not assign a date of 634 AD to any of the seismites in the En Gedi Core (DSEn) but did assign a 0.5 thick seismite at a depth of 1.99 m to a date of 660 AD.



Dead Sea - Nahal Ze 'elim

At site ZA-2, Kagan et. al. (2011) did not assign any seismites to a date of ~634 AD. No seismites in her section have a modeled age which overlaps with a 634 AD date (± 1σ or ± 2σ).



Araba - Introduction



Araba - Taybeh Trench

LeFevre et al. (2018) might have seen evidence for this earthquake in the Taybeh Trench (Event E3 - Modeled Age 551 AD ± 264).



Araba - Qatar Trench

The Sword in the Sky Quake is just outside the modeled ages for Events E4 (758 CE ± 87), E5 (758 CE ± 87), and E6 (251 CE ± 251) (Klinger et. al., 2015).



Notes

Guidoboni et al (1994)

(235) September 634 • Jerusalem, Palestine

  • sources Theoph. 336; Mich. Syr. 414; al-Makin, Ta'rikh 19
  • literature Ho Peng Yoke (1962); Russell (1985); Yeomans (1991)
  • catalogues Manetti [1457]; Ligorio [1574-7]; Bonito (1691); von Hoff (1840); Mallet (1853); Sieberg (1932 a); Amiran (1950-51); Grumel (1958)

Theophanes records an earthquake which struck Palestine; and he associates it with the appearance of a comet, in the year of the world 6124, that being the twenty-third year of the reign of Heraclius [632 A.D.]:

Then in that same year an earthquake struck Palestine, and a sign, called a meteor, appeared in the southern sky, foretelling Arab domination. It lasted for thirty days, and stretched from the south to the north. It was in the shape of a sword.
This seems to be the same earthquake recorded by Michael the Syrian:

"There was a severe earthquake at that time, and at the moment of the tremor, the sun grew dark. The church of the Resurrection and that of the Golgotha and many places collapsed in the earthquake; and they were rebuilt by Modestus, the Chalcedonian bishop [632 634]".
The comet referred to by Theophanes is probably the one observed by Chinese and Japanese astronomers in September 634 An (Ho Peng Yoke 1962, p.168; Yeomans 1991, p.380). If that is indeed the case, then the earthquake should probably be re dated to the same period of time. Interpreted in this way, the information provided by Theophanes and Michael the Syrian would fit very well with that provided by the Arab historian al-Makin, according to whom in year 13 of the Hegira Palestine was struck by a series of tremors which lasted for a month:

"In the thirteenth year of the Hegira [7 March 634 - 24 February 635 A.D.] the earth shook in Palestine for thirty days; there was an earthquake, followed by an epidemic".
Russell (1985, p.46) dates the earthquake to September 633, on the basis of evidence from Theophanes and Michael the Syrian, and he draws attention to archaeological excavations which provide evidence of damage to three houses and the Byzantine monastery of Beth-shan in northern Palestine. The damage may have been caused by this earthquake.

References

Guidoboni, E., et al. (1994). Catalogue of Ancient Earthquakes in the Mediterranean Area up to the 10th Century. Rome, Istituto nazionale di geofisica.

Ambraseys (2009)

AD 634 Palestine

An earthquake in Palestine, which may have been followed by aftershocks, caused some damage in Jerusalem.

Michael’s statement about the destruction of the church of the Resurrection in Jerusalem and damage on the Golgotha is spurious. This church was ruined by the Persians in AD 614, restored in AD 629 and had been left untouched when, in AD 637, Omar Caliph took possession of Jerusalem (Le Strange 1890, 202).

The main sources for this event are Theophanes and Michael the Syrian. Theophanes places the earth quake in A.M. 6124 in the 23rd year of Heraclius (September 632 to August 633). Note that in this period Theophanes’s indictions begin in the September after the March starting the a.M.; Grumel’s ‘synchronism MB’ (Grumel 1934, 401ff.). Because Mango and Scott dismiss Grumel’s interpretation, the A.M. in their edition is a year too low (September 631 to August 632), effectively Grumel’s ‘synchronism MA’ (Theoph. 1997, 467) and therefore inconsistent with the Heraclius a.23. Furthermore it would put the death of Abu Bakr and the succession of Omar (‘Umar) Khalif in the following year in AD633, whereas this happened in AD 634.

Michael the Syrian provides two records for this earthquake. In the first he describes the earthquake, with out location, and the comet, dating them to ilul of A.S. 945=September 632 to August 633. The second entry mentions only the earthquake, in a.S. 946=September 633 to August 634, and gives details of the damage.

Both versions of al-Makin are confused copies of Theophanes, suggesting that the earthquake lasted 30 days, although the correct year (a.H. 13 = 7 March 634 to 24 February 635) is given. The reference to the 30 days could indicate aftershocks, although it is far more likely that this is from Theophanes’s description of the comet.

Gregory Abu ’l-Faraj (Bar Hebraeus) records that the earthquake took place in the month of Elul (September), in the same month as Heraclius illegally married his brother’s daughter, Martina: Theophanes places the latter event in a.M. 6105 (September 613 to September 614; Theoph. 300), but Mango and Scott suggest, on the evidence of Nicephorus’s sequence of events, that this event may have occurred as late as AD 623 (Theoph. 1997, a.M. 6105/431 n. 2 re Niceph. 11)

The comet during September 634 was probably the same one as was seen in Palestine (Ho Peng Yoke 1962, 168), and thus is useful evidence for the date.

Russell argues that there is some archaeological evidence for damage in towns near Jerusalem caused by this earthquake. However no strong case may be made for damage in Scythopolis (Beth-Shan). Three houses, which had collapsed and then burned, contained coins up to the time of the emperor Phocas (AD 602–610), and a ruined monastery near the city yielded coins from the reign of Heraclius (AD 610–641) (Russell 1985, 56f), but this is not sufficient evidence to associate these finds with the earthquake in Jerusalem. The damage could be the result of sacking by Arab marauders. More debatable is the evidence from Gerasa (Russell 1985, 42), and Pella (damage to a church), which could have been due to this event or the AD 659 earthquake (Russell 1985, 50). Stratigraphic analysis of the site of Caesarea Maritima shows a destruction level dating to c. AD 630– it is not certain whether this can attributed to an earthquake or to a Persian invasion

Notes

‘(a.M. 6124, 23rd year of Heraclius) At the same time [as Abu Bakr’s invasion of Gaza] an earthquake occurred in Palestine. And a sign appeared in the sky at midday, like a beam, foretelling the victory of the Arabs. It remained for thirty days, stretching from the middle of the sky to the Great Bear. It was in the shape of a sword.’ (Theoph. 336).

‘In the year 945 of the Greeks, there was a violent earth quake, in the month of ilul, and after the earthquake there was a sign in the sky; it appeared in the form of a sword stretching from south to north, and remained for thirty days. To many it seemed to signify the coming of the Taiyayz (Arabs).’ (Mich. Syr. xi. 4/ii. 414).

‘At this time [a.S. 946 (Arabs’ defeat of Theodoric), before the fourth year of Omar] there was a great earthquake, and at the moment of the earthquake the sun was eclipsed. In this earthquake the church of the Resurrection and that of Golgotha fell, together with many other places. Modestus, the Chalcedonian bishop, rebuilt them.’ (Mich. Syr. xi. 5/ii. 419).

‘There was a great earthquake in Palestine for thirty days and also a great plague arose in the same place.’ (al-Mak. HS. i. 2/19).

‘There was a great earthquake in Palestine which lasted thirty days. The shock was violent and was followed by a great plague.’ (al-Mak. HM. i. 2/20).

‘Heraclius transgressed the Law and took Martina, his brother’s daughter, to wife, and begat by her an illegitimate son, Herakluna. In the same month of Elul [September], an earth quake took place. And a sign, like unto a spear, appeared in the heavens, and it remained there for 30 days. This manifestly made known the victory of the Arabs.’ (Abu’l Faraj 100/93).

Cf. Mich. Syr., xi. 5/ii. 417, who dates Omar’s succession to a.S. 946 (October 634 to September 635), Heraclius a.24 (5 October 633 to 4 October 634), a.H. 13 (7 February 634 to 4 February 635)

References

Ambraseys, N. N. (2009). Earthquakes in the Mediterranean and Middle East: a multidisciplinary study of seismicity up to 1900.

Earthquake in Aleppo

Guidoboni et al (1994)

(237) 634 • Aleppo

sources Ibn Shaddad, Maq 1.23
literature Taher (1979)
catalogues Poirier et al. (1980); Poirier and Taher (1980)

The Arab geographer Ibn Shaddad records the rebuilding of the walls of Aleppo two years after the tremors mentioned by al-Makin (see entry ( 236 ) - Sword in the Sky Quake): "When Abir`Ubayda conquered the city of Aleppo [in the year 15 of the Hegira = 14 February 636 - 1 February 637 A.D.], the walls and the citadel were restored, for an earthquake before the conquest had destroyed them. The work of restoration was not carried out skilfully, so there was a new collapse, and [the walls and the citadel] were rebuilt".

Although the tremors which struck Jerusalem and Aleppo presumably occurred in the same year (634 A.D.), there may have been two separate earthquakes, since the two cities are a great distance apart.

JW: This earthquake is discussed by Julia Gonella

References

Guidoboni, E., et al. (1994). Catalogue of Ancient Earthquakes in the Mediterranean Area up to the 10th Century. Rome, Istituto nazionale di geofisica.

Ambraseys (2009)

AD 638 Aleppo

An earthquake in northern Syria severely damaged Aleppo, bringing the citadel and the walls down. These were rebuilt after the Muslim conquest of the city.

The date of this earthquake, for which there are no contemporary sources, is problematic. Ibn Shaddad, a thirteenth-century writer, says that before Abu ‘Ubayda conquered Aleppo in the a.H. 15 (14 February 636 to 1 February 637) there was a severe earthquake, which caused the citadel and the walls to collapse. Kemal al-Din says, however, that, when Abu Obeidah took Aleppo, the walls of the city, as well as those of the citadel, had to be repaired and in parts rebuilt, having been thrown to the ground before the conquest of the city (Ibn Habib, Durr. 31). Abu Obeidah captured Aleppo in the spring or summer of AD 638 after considerable efforts had been made to scale the fortifications of the citadel, which were impregnable (Blochet 1895, 548). It seems, therefore, unlikely that the earthquake occurred before the conquest of the city. Ibn Shaddad places the fall of Aleppo to 15 a.H. (14 February 636 to 1 February 637; Ibn Shaddad: al-A’laq. i. 1.23). Also see Mich. Syr. (CH ii. 419).

Guidoboni et al. place this event in AD 634 at the same time as the Palestinian earthquake, although, since they state that the two events were possibly distinct owing to the distance, the date seems hard to justify (Guidoboni et al. 1994, 356). I can find little evidence in the text that the earthquake took place then.

JW: This earthquake is discussed by Julia Gonella

Note

‘When Abu ‘Ubayda captured Aleppo [in a.H. 15] the walls of the citadel were decaying because of an earthquake that had occurred before the conquests [of Syria]. The walls of the town and the citadel were destroyed and the repairs were not solid. He moved [there] after that and (re)built it(?).’ (Ibn Shaddad I/i. 23)

References

Ambraseys, N. N. (2009). Earthquakes in the Mediterranean and Middle East: a multidisciplinary study of seismicity up to 1900.

Taher (1996)

13 H./634: terrible earthquake which ravages Palestine for 30 days; epidemics; the walls and citadel of Aleppo are destroyed62.
Footnotes

62 B. al-`Amid al- Makin , Târîkh , 19; B. Shaddâd , al- A'laq 1/23.

Taher (1979)

13 A.H./634 AD

A terrible earthquake ravaged the land of Palestine for 30 days and an epidemic followed3. Before the capture of Aleppo by Abû 'Baiyda Ibn al Djrah, the walls and the citadel of this city were destroyed due to an earthquake4.

Footnotes

3 Al Makin ibn al 'amid, Tarikh, 19

4 Ibn Chadâd, al A'laq, 1/1/23

References

Taher, M.A. (1979): Corpus des texts arabes relatifs aux tremblements de terre et autres catastrophes naturelles, de la conquete arabe au XII H/XVIII JC, Ph.D. Thesis (Univ. Paris), 337 pp.

Ambraseys (2009)

Ambraseys (2009), citing Grumel (1934), noted that Theophanes started his years (ie indictions) in September rather than March during this time period. He also provided the following chronological notes

  • Cf. Mich. Syr., xi. 5/ii. 417, dates Omar's succession to A.S. 946 (October 634 to September 635)
  • Heraclius A.24 (5 October 633 to 4 October 634)
  • A.H. 13 (7 February 634 to 4 February 635)

Russell (1985)

The comet mentioned by Theophanes, Cedrenus, and Michael the Syrian would not have been Halley's. since it would have returned to earth ca. March 13.607 and again ca. September 28, 684. The changing form of the comet, which first appeared in the shape of a cross and later assumed the form of a striking sword reflects its movement at perihelion.

Theophilus of Edessa the Military Astrologer

Theophilus of Edessa worked later in his life as an astrologer for the Abbasid Caliph Al-Mahdi dealing specifically with military astrology.

Brief Background on Theophilus by Brennan (2017)

Brennan, C. (2017:)writes the following

Once Baghdad was established in 762 it became the new Alexandria, and a program of translating scientific texts from other cultures began.' Some of the earliest texts that were translated into Arabic were astrological texts.29 Dorotheus was translated into Arabic twice, first around the year 775, and then again around 800, although both times the translation was based on the Pahlavi (Middle Persian) version and not upon the original Greek text.3° The Pahlavi version of portions of Valens' Anthology was translated into Arabic in the late eighth or early ninth century.31Rhetorius' Compendium was also probably translated into Arabic around this time as well, as Pingree argued that it was obtained by Theophilus of Edessa between 765 and 770, and then passed to his colleague in the Abbasid court in Baghdad, the astrologer Masha'allah.32

...

Astrologers such as Theophilus of Edessa, Masha'allah, and Sahl ibn Bishr write some of the foundational texts of the Medieval tradition in the late eighth and early ninth century.

Footnotes

31 King, "A Hellenistic Astrological Table", p. 667.

32 Pingree, "From Alexandria to Baghdad to Byzantium:'

References

Gramaglia, E. J. (2017). Astrological Works of Theophilus of Edessa, Cazimi Press.

Pingree, D. (2001). "From Alexandria to Baghdād to Byzantium. The Transmission of Astrology." International Journal of the Classical Tradition 8(1): 3-37.

Holden, J. H. (2006). A History of Horoscopic Astrology, American Federation of Astrologers. - see pp. 104-107 - can be read in preview - gives background info and a reproduction of Theophilus' Introduction to his book on military astrology

Theophilus of Edessa on worldcat

podcast with author of Astrological Works of Theophilus of Edessa

Beck, R. (2006). A Brief History of Ancient Astrology, Wiley. - pages 111-118 contain a chart for the Hijra (the start of Islam)

Brennan, C. (2017). Hellenistic Astrology: The Study of Fate and Fortune, Amor Fati Publications.

Hand, R (2007) The History of Astrology --Another View

Academia.edu page for Marcelo Lacerda whose interest is the History of Astrology

Books on the History of Astrology

The wikipedia entry for Theophilus of Edessa lists 4 known extant works by Theophilus written in Greek while noting that these books have been preserved more or less intact, along with fragments of their Arabic versions.

Works on Elections for Wars and Campaigns and Sovereignty
Astrological Effects
Various Elections
Collection on Cosmic Beginnings

Theophilus of Edessa - Works On Astrology (in Greek)

Mashallah ibn Athari - Theophilus' astrological colleague in Baghdad who published a work on an astrological history of the world

Māshāʾallāh ibn Atharī (Sāriya) at Springer

Horary astrology

Electional astrology

Goldstein, B. (1964). "The Book on Eclipses of Māshāʿallāh." Physis 6: 205-213.

Kennedy, E. S. P. D. (2014). ASTROLOGICAL HISTORY OF MASHA'ALLAH. [Place of publication not identified], HARVARD UNIV Press.

The Classical Astrologer - web page

Pingree, D. (1962). "Historical Horoscopes." Journal of the American Oriental Society 82(4): 487-502.

Calendar used by Agapius of Menbig

What calendar did Agapius of Menbig use ? try to figure out the year he provides.

Christmas 634 CE

Kennedy (2007:406-407) notes the following

It was as patriarch and effective political leader in Jerusalem that Sophronius confronted the Muslims. His first reference comes in a pastoral letter, probably written in 634 in the earliest phases of the Arab conquest of Syria, in which he hopes that the emperor Heraclius will be given strength ‘to break the pride of all the barbarians and especially of the Saracens who, on account of our sins, have now risen up against us unexpectedly and ravage all with cruel and feral design, with impious and godless audacity’. At Christmas that year the clergy of Jerusalem were unable to process to Bethlehem, as was their custom, because of their fear of the Saracens. ‘As once that of the Philistine, so now the army of the godless Saracens has captured the divine Bethlehem and bars our passage there, threatening slaughter and destruction if we leave this holy city and dare to approach our beloved and sacred Bethlehem.’ In the end he remained optimistic: ‘If we repent of our sins we will laugh at the demise of our enemies the Saracens and in a short time we will see their destruction and complete ruin. For their bloody swords will pierce their own hearts, their bows will be splintered, their arrows will be left sticking in them and they will open the way to Bethlehem for us.’

A search for the meaning of Docetes

Docetes (δοxίτης)

Theophanes entry for A.M.a 6124 in Greek reads as follows (warning: not the greatest OCR)

Τούτιρ τι, έτει έπεμψεύ λβσνβάχαρος στρατη'.ώς τέσ-σαρας , ο},' καί όόηυη3έντες, ώς προέφην , υπό τών 5Ιράβαrι ήλ&ον, καί ελαβον τήν 'Ηραν, καί πάσαν χαόραν Γιsζης, στο μιον ονσης τής έρήμου κατά τό Σιναϊον όρος• μόγις &α ποτε έλ&ών ιίπό Καισαρείας Παλαιστίνης Σέργιος συν στρο τιοσταις5 όλι'τοις, καί σνμβαλαίν πόλεμού, κτείνεται πρώτος σών τοί{ C στρατιώταις τριαχοσίοις οιίσι. καί πολλούς αίχμαιλοττσυς λαι-βόντας καί λάφνρα πολλά νπέστρεψαν μετά λαμαράς τrιχης.

ι ότφ δ& τ χρόνιρ σεισμός έγάνετο κατά τήν Παλαιστίνην ["earthquake struck Palestine"] • καί έφάύη σημείου όν τ41 ονραττϊι κατά μεσημβρίαν, ιο ό λεγόμανος δοxίτης, προμηνναον τήν ταον' Αράβων έιαsράτη-σιύ • α"μαιύα δ έπί ήμέρας τριάκοντα &ατείύαού άπιί μόσημ-βρίας σας άρκτον. ήν ιυ ξιφοαιάής.


  • A Latin translation of the relevant phrase is docitem a trabis forma vocant which in English is having the form they call a [tree trunk, spear, beam, club for trabis]

  • Roger Ceragioli (pers. communication, 2024) provides the following: It would appear from Liddell-Scott's Greek-English Lexicon that the terms is likely δοκίτης, which would be transliterated as "dokites." This is said to be related to "dokos," meaning a plank, or "joist" of a house. A big piece of squared lumber, I suppose.

    Perseus Greek Word Study tool for δόκος

    Possibly, a "joist" star is the idea. The word "dokos" is said to appear in the Roman naturalist, Pliny the Elder's Historia naturalis, a lengthy book on natural wonders (@ book 2, section 96), as a word for a type of meteor. There are English translations of this multi-volume work.

  • Docetes could be from the Greek dokein - “to seem”

  • δοxίτης is transliterated as doxitis

  • Alternative transliterations include doxit, Doxite, and doxith

  • An alternative spelling of δοxίτης is δοkίτης

  • Definitions for δοxίτης include Docent, doctrine, Docter (Doctor?), and Beamer

  • Medieval Greek (aka Middle Greek aka Byzantine Greek)

Definition of Comet from an Etymological Dictionary

The Online Etymology Dictionary defines the noun comet as follows:

"one of a class of celestial bodies which move about the sun in great, elliptical orbits," c. 1200, from Old French comete (12c., Modern French comète), from Latin cometa, from Greek (aster) komētēs, literally "long-haired (star)," from komē "hair of the head" (compare koman "let the hair grow long"), which is of unknown origin. So called from resemblance of a comet's tail to streaming hair.

Visible only when near the sun, they were anciently regarded as omens of ruin, pestilence, and the overthrow of kingdoms.

A Syriac report on the comet of 1577
Notes from Gramaglia and Dykes (2017)

Chapter 36: Another inquiry on war

... 5 If a lunar eclipse occurs, there will be much slaughter; but if a solar one, utter destruction, according to the magnitude of the eclipse. 6 The [evil effect of the] eclipse will be for those with whom it has familiarity; but if it holds familiarity with both [parties], having become evil for both [sides]... (lacuna)... 7 ... inconvenient for the aggressors, but when already embarked upon the war, [then it becomes inconvenient] for those made war upon. 8 We declare the same about an earthquake, war-trumpet349, meteor, or comet.

9 The anomalous stars350 foretell that those to which they are attached will also become anomalous.
Footnotes

349 EG: A class of comets, according to Ptolemy (Tet. I1.9). - Ptolemy, Claudius, Tetrabiblos, trans. F.E. Robbins (Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press, 1940) - open access at archive.org

350 BD: I am not entirely sure what kinds of stars Theophilus means here.

The Chronicle of John of Nikiu - contains an eyewitness account of the Islamic Conquest of Egypt
Cometography Comet Catalog

632

632

The Byzantine monk and chronicler Theophanes the Confessor wrote Chronographia around 813 and noted that at the same time as the Arab conquest "an earthquake occurred in Palestine; and there appeared a sign in the heavens called dokites in the direction of the south, foreboding the Arab conquest. It remained for thirty days, moving from south to north, and was sword-shaped." The earthquake occurred in September.

Georgius Cedrenus wrote in Synopsis Istorion (1100), "a sign appeared for 4 weeks in the south." It is referred to as a "beam" and may have been visible in May or June.

Sources

Chronographia. (813), p. 467

Synopsis Istorion (1100), p. 425.

References

Kronk, Gary W. (1999) Cometography A Catalog of Comets Vol. 1 Ancient-1799: A Catalog of Comets 1 Cambridge University Press - not open access - Cambridge University Press

634

634

The Japanese text Nihongi (720) says a "long-tailed star" was seen sometime during the autumn in the month of 634 August 29 to September 27. It was in the south. The people of that time called it a "besom-star". The text adds that sometime during the month of 635 January 24 to February 22 "the besom-star went round and was seen in the east."

The Chinese texts Chiu T'ang shu (945), T'ang hui yao (961), and Hsin T'ang shu (1060) say this "sparkling star" was seen on 634 September 20. It is reported to have appeared at the Hsu [α Equulei and β Aquarii] and the Wei [ε and θ Pegasi, and α Aquarii]. The date and location indicate an evening sky observation, implying a UT of September 20.5. It disappeared after 11 days of visibility, or on about September 30. The Hsin T'ang shu actually says the comet was seen on September 22, and this date was given by A. G. Pingre (1783) and J. Williams (1871). Pingre also said the comet was last seen on October 3.

FULL MOON: September 12, October 12

Sources

Nihongi, book 2 (720), pp. 166-7

Chiu Tang shu (945), p. 168

Tang hui yao (961), p. 168

Hsin T'ang shu (1060), p. 168

A. G. Pingre (1783), pp. 329, 608

J. Williams (1871), p. 40

Nihon Tennnon Shiryo (1935), p. 475

Ho Peng Yoke (1962), p. 168.

References

Kronk, Gary W. (1999) Cometography A Catalog of Comets Vol. 1 Ancient-1799: A Catalog of Comets 1 Cambridge University Press - not open access - Cambridge University Press

Correspondence from Gary Kronk (2024)

Two official Chinese histories contain accounts about the comet of 634: the Jiu Tang shu (completed in 945) and the Xin Tang shu (completed in 1060). Both texts stated in their astronomical chapters that a “star became fuzzy” in the lunar mansions Xu and Wēi. Xu is the 11th lunar mansion and is defined by Alpha Equulei and Beta Aquarii. Wēi is the 12th lunar mansion and is defined by Epsilon and Theta Pegasi and Alpha Aquarii. Both texts then state that the comet “transitted” Xuanxiao, which is a large area defined by the 10th, 11th, and 12th lunar mansions. The 10th lunar mansion is Nü, which is defined by Epsilon, Mu, and 3 Aquarii. Together, these tell us nothing about the comet’s motion, although it could be suggested that since the comet was said to have transitted Xuanxiao, which includes the 10th lunar mansion, the comet might have headed westward from the area of the 11th and 12th lunar mansions. But this is only conjecture on my part. Did the comet really transit all of Xuanxiao? There is no way to know for sure.

The reason I was waiting to hear from Pankenier is because the Jiu Tang shu also mentions the comet in the biography of Emperor Taizong. It again states that the comet initially appeared in Xu and Wēi, but then states that the comet then passed through Di, which it the 3rd lunar mansion and is defined by several stars in northern Libra. This indicates a considerable motion of over 70° to the west. However, Pankenier said he rechecked the Jiu Tang shu and believes that the phrase “must be an error” and that Di “is surely an old copyist’s error.” So, where I thought the comet might have had a notable westward motion, this now seems unlikely.

As for the duration of visibility, the astronomical chapter of the Jiu Tang shu states that it “lasted 11 days in all.” This would include the discovery date of September 20, so that the day of the final observation would have been September 30. The astronomical chapter of the Xin Tang shu indicates that on October 3 the comet “no longer appeared.” This is not an indication that the comet was seen on this date, so there is no contradiction to the apparent observation on September 30.

There is one more thing I need to point out. From studies of the past motion of Halley’s Comet, we know that when that comet passes through lunar mansions it can sometimes be north or south of the stars that define those lunar mansions. In fact, the distance can sometimes be quite considerable. The 28 lunar mansions represent the Chinese zodiac and, like our 12 constellations of the zodiac, they can represent ecliptic longitudes that stretch north and south of the plane of the ecliptic. This could add a new issue to the determination of where the comet of 634 was. But there is one more observation that can be of help.

The Japanese text Nihongi was completed in 720. It states that in Autumn, during the 8th month of the year, “A long star was seen in the south.” The 8th month mostly fell in September, so this is definitely the same comet that was seen by the Chinese.

Although I had been leaning toward thinking that the “sword comet” of 632 or 633 or 634 was distinct from the Chinese/Japanese comet, mostly because of the apparent motion to the 3rd lunar mansion Di (now found to be in error), I believe the definite location in the southern sky provides strong evidence that they two may very well be the same comet.

There are two remaining conflicts. First, the sources mentioning the “sword comet” sometimes state that the comet moved from south to north and sometimes state that it extended from south to north. The Japanese description of a “long star” may indicate that length rather than motion might be the more likely scenario. Second, the sources mentioning the “sword comet” seem to consistenty state that the comet remained visible for 30 days, while the Chinese indicate it was 11 days. The solution to this might be that the Chinese experienced more cloudy nights?

Paleoclimate - Droughts

References

References

Ambraseys, N. (2009). Earthquakes in the Mediterranean and Middle East: a multidisciplinary study of seismicity up to 1900. Cambridge, UK, Cambridge University Press.

Fabian, P.: 1995, The Roman and Byzantine Near East: Some Recent Archaeological Research, J. Roman Archaeology, Suppl. Series, No. 14, pp. 235-240.

Fabian, P.: 1996, Evidence of earthquake destruction in the archaeological records the cast of ancient Avdat, In: Big Cities World Conference on Natural Disaster Mitigation in Conjunction with the 10th International Seminar on Earthquake Prognostics, Abstracts, Jan. 5-10, 1996, Cairo, Egypt, p. 25.

Guidoboni, E., et al. (1994). Catalogue of ancient earthquakes in the Mediterranean area up to the 10th century. Rome, Istituto nazionale di geofisica.

Haynes, J., et al. (2006). "Evidence for ground-rupturing earthquakes on the Northern Wadi Araba fault at the archaeological site of Qasr Tilah, Dead Sea Transform fault system, Jordan." Journal of Seismology 10(4): 415-430.

Kagan, E., et al. (2011). "Intrabasin paleoearthquake and quiescence correlation of the late Holocene Dead Sea." Journal of Geophysical Research 116(B4): B04311.

http://dx.doi.org/10.1029/2010JB007452
http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1029/2010JB007452/abstract
http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1029/2011JB008870/abstract

Karcz, I., et al. (1977). "Archaeological evidence for Subrecent seismic activity along the Dead Sea-Jordan Rift." Nature 269(5625): 234-235.

https://www.researchgate.net/publication/242863909_Archaeological_evidence_for_Subrecent_seismic_activity_along_the_Dead_Sea-Jordan_Rift
http://www.nature.com/nature/journal/v269/n5625/abs/269234a0.html
http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/269234a0
https://www.academia.edu/4321286/Archaeological_evidence_for_Subrecent_seismic_activity_along_the_Dead_Sea-Jordan_Rift

Ken-Tor, R., Agnon, A., Enzel, Y., and Stein, M. (2001). "High Resolution Geological Record of Historic Earthquakes in the Dead Sea Basin." Journal of Geophysical Research 106(B2): 2221-2234.

Korjenkov AM, M. E. (1999). "Seismogenic origin of the ancient Avdat ruins, Negev Desert, Israel." Natural Hazards 18: 193-226.

https://www.researchgate.net/publication/226318671_Seismogenic_Origin_of_the_Ancient_Avdat_Ruins_Negev_Desert_Israel

Migowski, C., et al. (2004). "Recurrence pattern of Holocene earthquakes along the Dead Sea transform revealed by varve-counting and radiocarbon dating of lacustrine sediments." Earth and Planetary Science Letters 222(1): 301-314.

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.epsl.2004.02.015

Russell, K. W. (1985). "The Earthquake Chronology of Palestine and Northwest Arabia from the 2nd through the Mid-8th Century A.D." Bulletin of the American School of Oriental Research 260: 37-59.

Wechsler, N., et al. (2014). "A Paleoseismic Record of Earthquakes for the Dead Sea Transform Fault between the First and Seventh Centuries C.E.: Nonperiodic Behavior of a Plate Boundary Fault." Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America.

http://www.tau.ac.il/~shmulikm/Publications/Wechsler-BSSA-2014.pdf
http://www.bssaonline.org/content/early/2014/05/20/0120130304.abstract







al-Makin. HM: al-Makin b. al-`Amid, Kitab al-majmu' al-mubarak, ed. and Latin trans. Th. Erpenius, Historia Saracenica, Leiden, 1625

also French trans. Histoire Mahomatane, trans. P. Vattier, Paris, 1657.

al-Makin. HS: al-Makin b aliAmid, Ta'rikh al-muslimin min sahib shari` at al-islam ila al-dawlat al-atabiakiyya, Historia Saracenica, trans. Th. Erpenius, Lugd. Batavorum, 1625.

Cedrenus, G., et al. (1838). Georgius Cedrenus, Ioannis Scylitzae ope, E. Weber.

http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=WM0GAAAAQAAJ
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Kedrenos
https://archive.org/details/georgiuscedrenu00scylgoog

Michael The Syrian Chronicle.

https://archive.org/details/ChronicleOfMichaelTheGreatPatriarchOfTheSyrians
http://rbedrosian.com/Msyr/msyrtoc.html

Syrian, Michael the (1963). Chronique 4 volumes N. Chabot. Brussels.

https://archive.org/details/ChroniqueDeMichelLeGrand https://archive.org/details/ChroniqueDeMichelLeSyrienT.1Fasc.1translation https://archive.org/details/MichelLeSyrien2 https://archive.org/details/MichelLeSyrien3 http://www.roger-pearse.com/weblog/2009/02/26/michael-the-syrian-preface-to-his-history/ http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Michael_the_Syrian

Mango, C. A., et al. (1997). The chronicle of Theophanes Confessor: Byzantine and Near Eastern history, AD 284-813, Clarendon Press.

http://books.google.com/books?id=6BIMAQAAMAAJ
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Theophanes_the_Confessor
http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/14623a.htm
https://archive.org/details/TheChronologyOfTheophanes607-775
http://www.scribd.com/doc/202355147/The-Chronicle-of-Theophanes-Confessor-Byzantine-and-Near-Eastern-History-AD-284-813-Oxford-1997